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“A Country Both Colonized and Neo-Colonized: The Struggle for True Liberation and Sovereignty in the Comoros”

Suluhu (Mouvemente pour une Transition Équitablement Réconciliatrice et Pragmatique au Comore)

Dear audience, honorable guests,

I have the responsibility to give you a brief overview of the situation in the country where I come from, the Comoros archipelago, one of the 54 African countries in the Indian Ocean, which is supposed to be free and sovereign, located between Madagascar and the Mozambique Channel.

A country that is both colonized and neo-colonized.

Colonized, because a part of its territory, Mayotte (Maoré in Comorian), has been amputated, in disregard of nature, geography, history, culture, religion, logic, rules, laws, and so-called international resolutions by the concert of nations.

Neo-colonized, because it is not in control of its economy, its defense, its education, or even the choice of its own leaders.

It shares the distinction, like 14 other African countries, of being under the yoke of Françafrique, with the imposition of a toll system through the CFA franc, formerly known as the currency of the French colonies in Africa. The Comoros, however, is rarely mentioned by Africans—perhaps due to the 1994 devaluation of the CFA franc, after which the Comorian franc was renamed KMF.

This is why we always hear 14 African countries cited as victims of the CFA franc, even by the most knowledgeable African and Pan-African figures, an unacceptable collective oversight that needs to be corrected. This omission is also reflected outside of the African sphere.

Allow me to say a word in connection with the theme, before continuing with the state of affairs. For me, a Pan-African individual who has taken the time to deeply understand and embrace the meaning of Pan-Africanism, its vision, and its objectives, can only be an anti-imperialist internationalist, no matter where they are. Similarly, an anti-imperialist internationalist must logically support Pan-Africanism.

Thus, the DUP (Dynamique Unitaire Panafricaine), which now consists of 27 movements or political parties from African diasporas, Afro-descendants, and the larger African continent, has demonstrated great coherence and fundamental responsibility by choosing to be a member of the world anti-imperialist platform.

Suluhu, or Reconciliation, also known as MTERPC (Movement for an Equitable, Reconciliatory, and Pragmatic Transition in Comoros), a member of the DUP that I represent here, can only support this choice and continue to echo this fight for humanity, humanization, solidarity, liberation, equity, justice, and above all, disalienation.

Pan-Africanism can only be humanist, as the anti-imperialist internationalist movement also aims to be, without any doubt.

Therefore, after this brief introduction expressing both the actual state of Comoros and the link between Pan-Africanism and anti-imperialism—the theme of our conference during these 4-5 days—I cannot continue without expressing my horror, my indignation regarding the current inhuman, unbearable reality of massive destruction and genocide happening before our eyes, leaving us in tears and with a sense of helplessness.

From the genocide in Palestine, to the colonization of Kanaky (New Caledonia), to the disguised genocide in the DRC, to Haiti, a martyr to the incredible colonial imperialist debt, passing through the Antilles, Lebanon, and Ukraine—the list is long.

I also extend this denunciation to the sneaky terrorist war imposed by NATO and its satellites, aimed at insidious imperialist recolonization in African countries, particularly the Sahel States Alliance (AES), including Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, ever since the destruction of Libya in 2011. This has intensified since the recent rise of the AES, which has expressed a clear will to take responsibility for its own liberation and sovereignty by decisively cutting the so-called “umbilical cord” linking it to the imperialist colonizer.

We witness this desolation, inhumanity, and indignity, with human lives sacrificed, countries destroyed, and populations forced to flee under dramatically deplorable conditions. The least we can do is speak out, protest, and denounce this barbarity and disgrace that we thought was a thing of the past. We must also honor all the victims, especially those in Palestine.

Meanwhile, NATO’s imperialist system continues to operate with double standards, maintaining a unipolar world order that, hopefully, is coming to an end.

A multipolar world, based on respect and reciprocity, as embodied by BRICS+, offers a glimmer of hope against this unprecedented, revolting backdrop. We can only welcome, support, and fight for its rise. Our 4-5 day conference is a contribution toward this goal.

Finally, let me return to the situation in Comoros, which is the focus here, by detailing the two aspects highlighted in my introduction: the direct colonization and neo-colonization that Comoros continues to suffer from. This is not just a past issue, it’s a present reality, and it is important to note this in order to avoid mistakes in analysis and in considering potential solutions.

As for the choice of using the feminine or masculine form of the country’s name (La Comore or Le Comore), the country will decide when it is truly free and sovereign, which is not the case at present. My organization, Suluhu, refuses the plural term “Les Comores,”(the Comoros) as though there were several Comoros. There is only one Comoros, united and indivisible, comprising four main islands: Maore (Mayotte), Mwali (Mohéli), Ndzuani (Anjouan), and Ngazidja (improperly called Grande Comore). Some may minimize the importance of the plural or singular form, without realizing the impact this has on the subconscious of Comorians, amplifying the artificial division that the imperialist colonizer has skillfully instilled as part of the “divide and rule” strategy. The use of the plural for the Comoros is not trivial or innocent, nor is the francization of the country’s name and those of its islands.

With the choice of name, we enter the first aspect of direct colonization, where Comorians are ultimately considered illegal immigrants in their own territory of Mayotte (Maoré), by the colonizer, who is, in principle, the foreigner in this Comorian territory. If imperialist absurdity, which has become law in this world, were not the norm. Since January 18, 1995, when a deadly visa was introduced to separate the islands of the Comorian archipelago, the Comorian sea has become the largest contemporary marine cemetery.

It is estimated, without much exaggeration, that 10% of the Comorian population has perished in its own sea, approximately 10,000 victims from 1995 to the present day. Some sources, in 2015, even recognize 30,000 victims, while the French colonial state seems to acknowledge only 10,000.

Thus, we are witnessing, in the annexed, occupied, and illegally administered Comorian part of Mayotte, ethnic cleansing operations called “Wuambushu” in 2023 and others in 2024.

This is, in brief, the current state of affairs in the Comorian part still occupied and illegally administered by the French state. It is a systematic denial of humanity, a dehumanization of the Comorian people by the country of the 1789 Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, which continues to present itself as a champion of human rights.

The so-called independent part of Comoros, which is actually neo-colonized, is not spared from objectification, injustice, contempt, and misery either.

Indeed, since July 30, 2018, the man in charge, loyal to Françafrique, who governs this supposedly independent part of the country, acts with impunity as long as he does not go against the French imperialist occupier. He abolished the country’s constitution and organized fraudulent presidential and legislative elections in the absence of a legal and legitimate constitution, assassinating and imprisoning dissenting voices. Corruption is the norm in governance, and he shamefully cooperates with the occupier, without demanding anything in return, even accepting the occupation of Comorian territory and the expulsion of Comorians from their own land. He is complicit in the ongoing misery, as deaths continue to increase in the 70 km stretch of sea separating Ndzuani from Mayotte.

This is a brief overview of the situation in this part of the country that is supposed to enjoy freedom, sovereignty, and independence since the unilateral declaration of July 6, 1975. Independence was recognized by the concert of nations on November 12, 1975, with Resolution 3385-XXX.

Yet, the country is not poor, especially with the discovery of vast offshore oil and gas fields, reportedly larger than those in the United Arab Emirates. Even though this point is not fully developed here, the French imperialist state dares to minimize or deny this, claiming that only neighboring Mozambique possesses these resources, which its companies like Total are already exploiting.

It is not difficult to understand the imperialist appetites that clearly only respect the balance of power, rather than opting for dialogue, acknowledging injustices, and seeking fair reparations based on equity, justice, understanding, respect, and reciprocity, as advocated by Suluhu (Reconciliation).

To conclude, the solution to this outdated nonsense, which we thought was over after the lessons supposedly learned from World War II, particularly the European war against Nazism from 1939 to 1945, is for our partners, friendly countries that cherish law, dignity, and humanity, to support us. They must help us ensure that the concert of nations enforces, without conditions, Resolution 3385-XXX, adopted on November 12, 1975.

To achieve this, it is evident that my country, the Comoros archipelago, must take full responsibility as a free, independent, and sovereign country. However, this seems impossible under the current illegitimate, illegal, and unconstitutional regime, which is loyal to Françafrique and Western NATO imperialism, serving the occupier rather than its people and country. As I have briefly outlined above, this regime will never allow us to break free from alienation, let alone take responsibility for achieving genuine liberation. Nor can we hope to build a prosperous country rooted in dignity, respect, equity, justice, freedom, and humanity.

This is why there is an urgent need for a transition worthy of the name in my country, to solve the main problem, without which it is illusory and deceitful to claim that we can build a country that is both colonized and neo-colonized, as is the case with the Comoros archipelago. This is one of the reasons why Suluhu, the political-citizen movement I represent here, is patriotic, sovereignist, Pan-Africanist, and working in this direction. It did not hesitate for a second to become a member of the DUP (Dynamique Unitaire Panafricaine), which has the responsibility of leading this anti-imperialist conference.

Additionally, I was unable to make four comparisons that I had in mind regarding the situation of three other countries—North and South Korea, Haiti, and Palestine—as well as a fourth comparison with the 14 other CFA countries. I hope to address these points during the public exchanges if time permits.

Thank you.

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