Union for Communist Reconstruction (URC, France)
Dear comrades, hello,
We gather together today because, around fifty years ago—in 1973 to be precise— the relationship between France and its former African colonies crossed a new stage in its institutionalization with the first France-Africa summit, now called the Africa-France summit. Our assembly holds no illusions about the nature of this summit, whether at the time of its creation or today with the new edition that will take place here in Nairobi in a few days.
At the conclusion of the France-Africa summit in Vittel in 1983, Thomas Sankara, responding to the press, wondered what these conferences were for; he also added that the notions being debated were outdated and that African problems should be resolved among Africans. I would add: whom do they serve? The masses and the improvement of their material conditions? Or the local bourgeoisies who act as relays and servants of imperialism and therefore, ultimately, imperialism itself?
I will attempt to answer the overall question by speaking about the anti-popular character of these summits, focusing on their origins and on the latest one that took place in Montpellier.
• The origins of the France-Africa summit and the context in which it emerged
In the global context, when the first summit took place on November 13, 1973, the Arab-Israeli war had just ended. France was concerned about the situation around the Mediterranean and wanted Africa to participate in the reconstruction of peace.
Another global context worth emphasizing is the Cold War, which also influenced the strengthening of Françafrique. France played the role of subcontractor for the United States in order to keep Francophone Africa within the anti-communist movement.
In the context of Françafrique, it was also 13 years after the wave of African independences from former French colonies. France already considered it necessary to reaffirm its fading ties with the countries of its African sphere of influence because the cooperation agreements between the newly independent countries and the former colonial power were being strongly challenged by protest movements of the time on the one hand, and considered unequal—with demands for revision by African leaders—on the other.
To ensure the success of this first event, the French president of the time, Georges Pompidou, who chaired the first summit in Paris, could count on historical figures of Françafrique such as Senghor, Houphouët-Boigny, Bokassa, and Bongo to define a framework for future meetings based on mutual consultation regarding cooperation.
For Omar Bongo, this summit also had to strengthen the coherence of the Francophone bloc as a whole. That is why another issue that the heads of state considered important to address was the preservation of Francophonie, which is the cement in the relationship of subjugation between France and part of Africa, and which would itself become a separate summit around ten years later.
Right from the start, we can see that this summit is nothing more than a closed circle among leaders serving bourgeois interests, and that none of the issues raised represent priorities for the masses of the continent. And this remained the case throughout the various editions that followed, up to the one in 2021, which I will now discuss.
• Youth and civil society 2021: a new strategy in the face of crisis
“France get out!” This slogan echoed widely and gained momentum among the masses and youth of West Africa during the various popular uprisings observed in the region in the early 2020s. Not to mention the deliberate display of the Russian flag, which at that moment symbolized rupture, affirmation of sovereignty, and exasperation toward France.
It was in this context that the summit held in Montpellier in 2021 took place, one that Macron wanted to leave his mark on by giving it a new appearance. Since 1973, we had become accustomed to seeing presidents and high-ranking officials participate, but for this 2021 edition, the Élysée called upon civil society, athletes, entrepreneurs, as well as youth, in order to create the illusion of being closer to the demands of African populations both on the continent and in the diaspora.
It is important to recall that this famous civil society is not only chosen by France but also funded by French agencies. The French Development Agency, one of the many weapons in France’s arsenal of destabilization abroad, much like USAID in the United States, was mobilized for the occasion.
Intellectuals also took part, including the Cameroonian Achille Mbembe, who played an important role by drafting a report beforehand containing several recommendations such as:
– the creation of an innovation fund for democracy,
– the development of the “Start-up Africa France” program,
– taking Africa’s voice on climate into consideration.
Ndongo Samba Sylla, Amy Niang, and Lionel Zevounou rightly pointed out that a profile such as his is that of the “acceptable intellectual” who raises no objection to the deployment of neoliberal logic across Africa and who seeks to distinguish himself from anti-imperialism.
As was the case in Paris a few days ago and currently in Nairobi, a counter-summit had been organized at the time, and some comrades—including undocumented people—were repressed on the sidelines of the summit.
To contrast with the recommendations mentioned earlier, here are some of the demands put forward by those who mobilized:
– the end of France’s military presence in Africa,
– the end of French interference in the internal affairs of African countries,
– the true end of the CFA franc.
Demands that echo those being carried by part of the continent.
The paths taken by countries such as Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger following the Montpellier summit demonstrated the gap between the two sides. This reflected the population’s sentiment toward France and its African policy. Coups d’état, supported by the streets, followed one another, diplomatic confrontations were launched, the French army was forced to pack up and leave the Sahel while also reducing its troop numbers in other countries.
France’s loss of ground in this region pleases us; however, imperialism does not admit defeat so easily, as shown by the various attempts at intimidation and destabilization in the AES countries. It should also be noted that France has sought new partnerships with non-Francophone countries that were not colonized by France, such as Mozambique and Kenya.
• 2026: change of direction, same mechanism
It is in this climate unfavorable to France that we must understand what has been unfolding for some time between Kenya and France, and more broadly in East Africa. Even though France is firmly established with its military base in Djibouti and continues to occupy Réunion Island, Mayotte, and the scattered islands of Madagascar.
The upcoming summit is the logical continuation of what we have recently observed, such as the defense agreement signed in October and the deployment of 800 French soldiers to Mombasa last March; signs of an attempt to extend French influence toward the Indian Ocean.
It is obvious that we expect nothing from this new summit. However, we can question the perspectives it will open and the consequences that will result for the Kenyan population and the rest of the region.
Especially since we can draw a parallel between the French narrative about its supposed desire to work toward solutions for the continent and its African policy, which has been and remains predatory, bloody, and a trigger for crises.
We cannot understand the migration crisis from Africa to France without looking at the effects of French policy in Africa, but what is happening in France is also linked to what is happening on the continent. The social wars waged in France and in the center cannot be separated from the imperial wars in the peripheries; the French population faces the same enemy as the populations of Kenya, Congo, Mali, and many others.
For all these reasons, two days before the Africa-France summit, we—activists for peace and anti-imperialists—are not fooled and will continue to mobilize as long as this kind of charade takes place before our eyes.
Whatever varnish is used to cover the maneuvers of the bourgeois classes, we will continue to see clearly through the game of imperialism, which continues to panic in the face of its undeniable and worsening crisis.
Down with colonialism
Down with neo-colonialism
Down with imperialism
Down with Françafrique
Long live the struggle of the peoples of Africa
Thank you.
