The world anti-imperialist camp will certainly win

Stephen Cho | Coordinator of the Korean International Forum

English / Korean

English

The world anti-imperialist camp will certainly win

The flames of World War 3, instigated by imperialism, are spreading from Eastern Europe to West Asia (the Middle East) and traveling toward East Asia. The main culprit in provoking war in the modern world is imperialism. Imperialism is provoking World War 3 to form the β€œNew Cold War” confrontation. The war in Ukraine began with the Maidan coup in 2014 and entered full swing with the launch of Russia’s special military operation in 2022. The war in Palestine began with Hamas’ operation β€œAl-Aqsa Flood” as a response to zionist occupation and endless provocations. The war in Ukraine didn’t immediately expand into a wider war across Eastern Europe, but the war in Palestine immediately expanded into a wider war across West Asia. The war in West Asia began with the β€œAl-Aqsa Flood” operation and entered full swing with Irans operation β€œTrue Promise”. It is a war between Israeli zionism and the β€œAxis of Resistance,” including Iran. While the war in Ukraine was a trigger for the war in West Asia, the wars in Ukraine and West Asia are now acting as triggers for war in East Asia. We can expect the war in East Asia to promote the expansion of the war in Eastern Europe and the further escalation of war in West Asia.

Imperialism is driving World War 3 to the point of no return in the run-up to November’s US presidential election. The imperialists are trying to prevent Donald Trump from coming to power, fearing that he may try to pull the USA out of the war in Ukraine, and even withdraw the country from NATO. While the DPRK and China are enduring constant imperialist provocations with patience, and are refraining from precipitously launching a war in East Asia, the imperialists are frantically trying to expand their ongoing wars in Ukraine and West Asia. They have given explicit permission to Ukrainian forces for direct attacks on Russian territory with NATO-provided long-range weapons. France has sent its own troops to Ukraine, and its nuclear aircraft carrier Charles De Gaulle has conducted military exercises in the Mediterranean, threatening Russia’s military port in Syria, while French Rafale fighters flew to Kaliningrad as part of this tactical nuclear drill. In the same vein, the US army rehearsed the deployment of its containerized missile launcher, capable of firing tactical nukes, in Bornholm, Denmark. The Baltic Sea has been transformed into the β€œNATO Sea”, and Poland is requesting the deployment of tactical nuclear weapons. Meanwhile, Israel has launched a brutal attack on 1.5 million civilians camped out in Rafah, continuing to massacre civilians and to push for an escalation of the war against Hezbollah in Lebanon. Like Ukraine’s Volodymyr Zelensky, whose presidency is over, Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu has no other option but to expand the war, beleaguered by plunging approval ratings, protests demanding his resignation, and cabinet resignations. 

A world war is a major war between camps on a global scale. World War 1 was an interimperialist war, World War 2 was an antifascist war, and World War 3 is an anti-imperialist war. Unlike World War 1, World War 2 and World War 3 were just wars waged under the banner of antifascism and anti-imperialism for one of the sides. The anti-imperialist camp does not want war; it actively pursues peace. It has always been imperialism that wants and provokes wars. Imperialism plots, instigates and provokes wars to maintain and expand its colonies, to militarize the economy and earn monopolistic superprofits through special demand for war. Through means of war it aims to strengthen the imperialist camp and crush the anti-imperialist camp. The Korean war, the Vietnam war and the Iraq war were not world wars, which are large wars between camps on a global scale, but local wars limited to one country. The war in Ukraine, the war in West Asia, and the impending war in East Asia are World War 3 in which Russia, the β€œAxis of Resistance” such as Iran, the DPRK and China form the anti-imperialist camp while the USA and Europe form the imperialist camp. In the present situation, we have one war against imperialism, an anti-imperialist war, and one front against imperialism, an anti-imperialist front. There is only one war and one front, but several battlefields. The three main battlefields are in Eastern Europe, West Asia, and East Asia. Although fighting is taking place in many parts of west Asia, these essentially form a single battlefield against Israeli zionism and its imperialist masters waged by the β€œAxis of Resistance”. 

The war in Ukraine is an anti-imperialist and antifascist war, a war of liberation, a preventive war. The war in West Asia is an anti-imperialist, anti-zionist liberation war. The war in Taiwan will be an anti-imperialist liberation war and a war of reunification. The war in the β€œRepublic of Korea (ROK)” will be an antifascist, anti-imperialist war of subjugation and an internal war. Although each of these three battlefields has different specific characters, all have the essential commonality of being anti-imperialist wars. The opposition to imperialism is a banner of justice that represents our era. Even if the imperialist camp denies it, it cannot deny the just nature of antifascism, liberation and national reunification. The war of the anti-imperialist camp is not only a just war waged against imperialism but also a just war waged under the banner of antifascism, liberation and reunification. In World War 3, justice is entirely on the side of the anti-imperialist camp.

Monopoly capital is the domestic expression, while imperialism is the external expression. Monopoly capital conceals the contradiction of polarization between lower and upper with the two-party system of β€œleft” and β€œright”. It also dominates the people, combining social-democratic reform policies with openly fascist repression policies. Social democracy in the USA and Britain and fascism in Germany and Italy before World War 2 are essentially the same, rooted in monopoly capitalism; the only difference is the outward form of political control. In developed capitalist countries, monopoly capital changes its ruling method sometimes to social democracy and sometimes to fascism in order to overcome its political crisis and carry its economic purpose. On the other hand, the fascism that has emerged in the oppressed countries since the 1960s was exported and planted by imperialism. The mainstream of domestic capital in these countries is either foreign monopoly capital or comprador capital, and the military fascists are mostly puppets trained by imperialism. 

We can see these pro-imperialist puppets today in Ukraine, Israel, the β€œROK”, and Taiwan. Zelensky, Netanyahu and the β€œROK”s Yoon Suk-yeol are all outright imperialist puppets and fascists. There is no doubt that Lai Ching-te in Taiwan is also an imperialist puppet. Imperialism manipulates them in various ways. One of its common tactics is to force them to resort to war as a nuclear option, since the more profound the political and economic crisis grows, the more dependent they become on imperialism. In East Asia alone, the Japanese and Taiwanese governments, on the so-called β€œfirst island chain” and the β€œROK” government, which threatens the DPRK, are all in this situation. Taiwan’s Lai Ching-te is a fierce separatist, while the β€œROK”s Yoon Suk-yeol has declared the DPRK to be the β€œprimary enemy” and has been conducting nuclear war exercises to invade the North with the USA, claiming the right to make a β€œpre-emptive strike”.

In Japan, Fumio Kishida, who took office after the leading pro-Russian politician Shinzo Abe was mysteriously shot and killed in July 2022, is keen on forming the Asian version of NATO with the β€œROK” as forced by the USA. Kishida of Japan and Yoon Suk-yeol of the β€œROK” are actively working on completing the β€œIndo-Pacificisation of NATO” having participated in successive NATO summits in Madrid, Spain (June 2022), Vilnius, Lithuania (July 2023) and Washington, USA (July 2024). The fact that NATO, an imperialist warmongering alliance that has been initiating and perpetuating World War 3, is extending its war scheme beyond West Asia to East Asia is raising great concern not only among Asians but among all the peoples of the world who long for peace. Already, imperialism has been thoroughly implementing a strategy to expand NATO, the supposedly β€œNorth Atlantic” military alliance, into to the Indo-Pacific via the β€œAukus” and β€œQuad” groupings.

Imperialism is worried about the possibility of a Trump victory in the upcoming US presidential election. This is because if elected, Trump will likely try to immediately withdraw from the war in Ukraine and eventually from NATO. Trump met with the DPRK Chairman Kim Jong Un in Singapore in 2018, in Hanoi, Vietnam in 2019, and in Panmunjom, Korea in 2020, and has remained in contact with him since leaving office. While Trump’s β€œdecoupling” policy is limited to the economic sector, President Joe Biden’s β€œde-risking” policy, under the guise of the β€œNew Washington Consensus”, while appearing to be milder than the β€œdecoupling” policy is in fact merely a disguise for pushing for Taiwan’s separation and independence and driving cross-Strait relations toward war. Of course, we thoroughly oppose all imperialist policies that represent the interests of US monopoly capital, whether they come from Trump or Biden. However, we take note of political conflicts that have erupted because of the deepening inner contradiction in the USA owing to its political and economic crisis, and we do not overlook the importance of the antiwar peace movement, which is amplifying these conflicts. We naturally oppose racism and fascism, which execrate Jews in general, and agree that the fundamental solution to the Palestinian issue lies in the eradication of zionism. We support a peaceful coexistence based on the eradication of zionism, not on the β€œtwo-state solution” of the Oslo accords, which is practically bankrupt―another β€œMinsk agreement”. We note that historically, it was Christian Western Europe that persecuted Jews, not Islamic West Asia.

Imperialist New Cold War schemes are a reflection of the system’s weakness, not its strength. World War 3 is an extreme option for attempting to escape the political, military and economic crises that arise from the realistic recognition that the unipolar world domination system cannot be maintained. Roger F Wicker, the Republican ranking member of the US Senate Committee on Armed Services, himself let slip in late May that it is an intentional provocation to define Russia, Iran, China and the DPRK as a β€œnew axis of aggressors”. Grouping Russia and the β€œAxis of Resistance”, including Iran, which are presently at war, and China and the DPRK, which are not presently at war, into one β€œaxis” or camp clearly confirms the fact that the war in East Asia is imminent and who is the driver and provocateur of World War 3. Imperialism is no longer hiding its strategy of demonizing Russia, China and the DPRK as β€œaggressors” through World War 3, exhausting them as much as possible through proxy wars, and creating a β€œNew Cold War” system to eventually win the final victory as it did in the β€œCold War”.

The β€œCold War” and the β€œNew Cold War” have big differences. Both have in common that they reflect the political and economic crisis and vulnerability of imperialism. But, unlike the Cold War, which emerged after World War 2, the New Cold War began with World War 3 and will enter full swing after World War 3. Both the β€œCold War” and the β€œNew Cold War” are confrontations between the anti-imperialist and imperialist camps. However, during the β€œCold War”, the anti-imperialist camp was formed by socialist forces as the leading force with the forces of national liberation as the auxiliary force. On the other hand, in the New Cold War, the DPRK, China and Russia are the leading forces, and the other world anti-imperialist forces, including Iran and the β€œAxis of Resistance” are the auxiliary forces. 

The DPRK, China and Russia are all nuclear and missile powers with all types of nuclear weapons and delivery systems, with the DPRK being the most steadfast socialist country, China being a socialist country with Chinese characteristics, and Russia being a country with a strong socialist heritage. The current socialist states of the DPRK and China, along with the former socialist state of Russia, have been more united than ever in the same anti-imperialist camp. It is no coincidence that after being re-elected recently, President Putin first visited China and then the DPRK in June to sign the β€œComprehensive Strategic Partnership Treaty”, elevating the DPRK-Russia relations to the highest level, the alliance level.

Today, understanding how we define the character of Russian and Chinese societies has become a touchstone between revolutionaries and opportunists. Those who mistakenly describe Russia and China as imperialist are basing their analysis on a totally unscientific understanding of imperialism. It is just as problematic to fail to analyze imperialism in its economic aspects as it is to define imperialism only in economic terms. In this context, the Communist Party of Greece’s theory of the β€œimperialist pyramid”, which views all capitalist countries as imperialist, has emerged. This most absurd revisionist and opportunist, reactionary theory is practically contributing to imperialism’s policy of dividing the communist movement. This is why it is unsurprising that the Communist Party of Greece has taken the lead in dividing the international communist movement.

The most significant feature of the β€œNew Cold War”, in particular, the situation of World War 3, is that, first, the DPRK, the most thoroughly socialist country and the one most severely blockaded by imperialism, has become a nuclear and missile superpower, occupying a key position and playing an important role in the anti-imperialist camp. Second, the former Soviet Union and, currently, Russia, which had been at odds with China since the mid-1950s, are uniting firmly with China in the anti-imperialist camp. Third, the β€œAxis of Resistance”, including Iran, is waging a robust armed struggle on an anti-imperialist, anti-zionist front. In addition, the world anti-imperialist camp is increasingly raising the level of anti-imperialist armed struggle and popular struggle in Latin America and the Sahel region of Africa. The anti-imperialist camp is overwhelming the imperialist camp by its superiority in capabilities, combining strong leading forces with a wide range of auxiliary forces, and its wisdom in methods, combining anti-imperialist armed struggles with anti-imperialist popular struggles.

Moreover, by holding the banner of not only anti-imperialism but also undeniable justice in the present era―antifascism, liberation and national reunification, the anti-imperialist camp holds the moral high ground in every battlefield of the present war. To make matters worse for imperialism, it has lost even a petty semblance of at least formal logic owing to the glaring logical contradiction between its anti-Russian and its pro-Israeli propaganda.

Imperialist weakness is equally evident in its military operations. In World War 3, the imperialists have used inducing warfare, where it has provoked war; expeditionary warfare, where it fights far away from its own territory and close to its enemies; proxy warfare, where it uses puppet armies; and hybrid warfare, so far excluding tactical nuclear weapons. In the anti-imperialist camp, Russia, China and the DPRK are all fighting or faced with fighting wars close to their present national boundaries, directly and vigorously, avoiding being entangled in war provocations, and none have ruled out the use of tactical nuclear weapons if that becomes necessary to end the war quickly. The imperialist powers are very afraid that if they directly attack the main territories of Russia, China and the DPRK with tactical nuclear weapons, their retaliatory nuclear strikes will eventually result in mutually assured destruction (MAD). It is unquestionable who will be the ultimate winner of the confrontation between the USA and European NATO, countries which are fighting a proxy war and a war of attrition for the superprofits of monopoly capital on the one side, and Russia, China and the DPRK, which are directly and fiercely engaged in wars for the great cause of antifascism, liberation and national reunification. Just as the just antifascist camp won World War 2, the just anti-imperialist camp will win World War 3. Unlike the Cold War, imperialism will suffer a disastrous defeat in its New Cold War.

Since its foundation in Paris, France, in October 2022, with the three major goals of expanding the world anti-imperialist struggle, waging anti-opportunist ideological warfare and strengthening the communist movement, the World Anti-imperialist Platform has held international conferences and organized mass rallies and demonstrations under the banner of anti-imperialism in Belgrade, Serbia (December 2022), Caracas, Venezuela (March 2023), Gwangju and Seoul, the β€˜ROK’ (May 2023), and Athens, Greece (November 2023), each time issuing joint declarations and trying to unite the anti-imperialist forces. In March-April 2024, the Platform arranged a European tour for revolutionary musical troupe from the β€œROK”. In May 2024, a Platform delegation visited the Donbass region of Russia and stood in active solidarity with local communist and anti-imperialist forces. In June 2024, the Platform held an international conference in Madrid, Spain. All this has been aimed at strengthening the world anti-imperialist struggle.

The most important ideological and theoretical task in the world anti-imperialist struggle today is to wage an unwavering and sharp ideological war against pseudo-communist forces―whether revisionist, opportunist or sectarian―which oppose β€œAxis of Resistance” countries like Russia and Iran, which are at the forefront of the anti-imperialist struggle, and which are accusing Russia, China and even the DPRK of β€œimperialism”. And the most important practical task in the world anti-imperialist struggle is for the communist forces to strengthen the anti-imperialist movement’s capacity by wisely leading the pro-Russian and pro-Palestinian forces to join into a single anti-imperialist front with a scientific analysis and revolutionary line. 

We will continue our indomitable struggle for the final victory of the world anti-imperialist camp, promoting our slogans β€œWorkers of the world, unite!” and β€œThe people, united, will never be defeated!” Along the way, we will advance and realize a world without imperialism and fascism―a world where the people become the masters of politics and economy. The world anti-imperialist camp’s great cause of justice must win.

Korean

μ„Έκ³„λ°˜μ œμ§„μ˜μ€ λ°˜λ“œμ‹œ μŠΉλ¦¬ν• κ²ƒμ΄λ‹€

μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜κ°€ 저지λ₯Έ 3μ°¨μ„Έκ³„λŒ€μ „μ˜ 뢈길이 λ™μœ λŸ½μ—μ„œ μ„œμ•„μ‹œμ•„(쀑동)λ₯Ό 거쳐 λ™μ•„μ‹œμ•„λ‘œ λ²ˆμ§€κ³ μžˆλ‹€. μ „μŸμ˜ 원흉은 μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜λ‹€. μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜λŠ” <신냉전>ꡬ도λ₯Ό ν˜•μ„±ν•˜κΈ° μœ„ν•΄ 3μ°¨μ„Έκ³„λŒ€μ „μ„ λ„λ°œν•˜κ³ μžˆλ‹€. μš°ν¬λΌμ΄λ‚˜μ „μ€ 2014 <λ§ˆμ΄λ‹¨μΏ λ°νƒ€>λ•Œ μ‹œμž‘λκ³  2022 λŸ¬μ‹œμ•„μ˜ νŠΉμˆ˜κ΅°μ‚¬μž‘μ „μœΌλ‘œ 본격화됐닀. νŒ”λ ˆμŠ€νƒ€μΈμ „λ„ μ΄μŠ€λΌμ—˜μ‹œμ˜€λ‹ˆμ¦˜μ˜ λ„λ°œμ— μ˜ν•΄ ν•˜λ§ˆμŠ€μ˜ <μ•Œμ•„ν¬μ‚¬ν™μˆ˜>μž‘μ „μœΌλ‘œ μ‹œμž‘λλ‹€. μš°ν¬λΌμ΄λ‚˜μ „μ€ λ°”λ‘œ λ™μœ λŸ½μ „μœΌλ‘œ ν™•λŒ€λ˜μ§€μ•Šμ•˜μœΌλ‚˜ νŒ”λ ˆμŠ€νƒ€μΈμ „μ€ λ°”λ‘œ μ„œμ•„μ‹œμ•„μ „μœΌλ‘œ ν™•λŒ€λλ‹€. μ„œμ•„μ‹œμ•„μ „μ€ <μ•Œμ•„ν¬μ‚¬ν™μˆ˜>μž‘μ „μœΌλ‘œ μ‹œμž‘λκ³  μ΄λž€μ˜ <μ§„μ •ν•œμ•½μ†>μž‘μ „μœΌλ‘œ 본격화됐닀. μ„œμ•„μ‹œμ•„μ „μ€ μ΄μŠ€λΌμ—˜μ‹œμ˜€λ‹ˆμ¦˜κ³Ό μ΄λž€λ“±μ˜ <μ €ν•­μ˜μΆ•>과의 μ „μŸμ΄λ‹€. μš°ν¬λΌμ΄λ‚˜μ „μ΄ μ„œμ•„μ‹œμ•„μ „μ„ μ΄‰λ°œν–ˆκ³  μš°ν¬λΌμ΄λ‚˜μ „κ³Ό μ„œμ•„μ‹œμ•„μ „μ΄ λ™μ•„μ‹œμ•„μ „μ„ μ΄‰λ°œν•˜κ³ μžˆλ‹€. λ™μ•„μ‹œμ•„μ „μ€ λ™μœ λŸ½μ—μ„œμ˜ ν™•μ „κ³Ό μ„œμ•„μ‹œμ•„μ „μ˜ ν™•λŒ€λ₯Ό 촉진할것이닀.
μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜λŠ” 11μ›”λ―ΈλŒ€μ„ μ„ μ•žλ‘κ³  3μ°¨μ„Έκ³„λŒ€μ „μ„ λŒμ΄ν‚¬μˆ˜ μ—†λŠ” μ§€κ²½μœΌλ‘œ λͺ°μ•„κ°€κ³ μžˆλ‹€. νŠΈλŸΌν”„κ°€ μ§‘κΆŒν•΄ μš°ν¬λΌμ΄λ‚˜μ „μ—μ„œ 손을 λ–Όκ³  λ‚˜μ•„κ°€ λ‚˜ν† μ—μ„œ 미ꡭ이 νƒˆν‡΄ν•˜λŠ” 상황을 λ§‰μ•„λ³΄λ €κ³ ν•œλ‹€. λ™μ•„μ‹œμ•„μ—μ„œ μ‘°μ„ κ³Ό 쀑ꡭ이 제ꡭ주의의 연이은 λ„λ°œμ—λ„ μΈλ‚΄ν•˜λ©° μ „μŸμ„ κ°ν–‰ν•˜μ§€μ•Šμž μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜μ„Έλ ₯은 이미 진행쀑인 μš°ν¬λΌμ΄λ‚˜μ „κ³Ό μ„œμ•„μ‹œμ•„μ „μ„ ν™•λŒ€ν•˜λŠ”λ° κ΄‘λΆ„ν•˜κ³ μžˆλ‹€. μš°ν¬λΌμ΄λ‚˜κ°€ λ‚˜ν† κ°€ μ œκ³΅ν•œ 무기λ₯Ό λŸ¬μ‹œμ•„μ˜ν† μ— κ³΅κ²©ν• μˆ˜ 있게 ν•˜κ³  ν”„λž‘μŠ€λŠ” νŒŒλ³‘μ„ λ‹¨ν–‰ν–ˆλ‹€. ν”„λž‘μŠ€μ˜ 샀λ₯Όλ“œκ³¨ν•΅ν•­λͺ¨κ°€ μ§€μ€‘ν•΄μ—μ„œ μ‹œλ¦¬μ•„μ˜ λŸ¬μ‹œμ•„κ΅°ν•­μ„ μœ„ν˜‘ν•˜λŠ” κ΅°μ‚¬μ—°μŠ΅μ„ 벌이고 λΌνŒ”μ „νˆ¬κΈ°κ°€ μΉΌλ¦¬λ‹Œκ·ΈλΌλ“œλ‘œ λ‚ μ•„κ°€λ©° μ „μˆ ν•΅νˆ¬μ‚¬ν›ˆλ ¨μ„ λ²Œμ˜€λ‹€. 미ꡰ도 덴마크의 보λ₯Έν™€λ¦„μ„¬μ—μ„œ μ „μˆ ν•΅μ„ λ°œμ‚¬ν• μˆ˜ μžˆλŠ” μ»¨ν…Œμ΄λ„ˆν˜•λ―Έμ‚¬μΌλ°œμ‚¬λŒ€λ₯Ό λ°°μΉ˜ν•˜λŠ” ν›ˆλ ¨μ„ λ²ŒμΈκ²ƒλ„ 같은 λ§₯락이닀. λ°œνŠΈν•΄λŠ” <λ‚˜ν† ν•΄>둜 전변됐고 ν΄λž€λ“œλŠ” μ „μˆ ν•΅μ˜ 배치λ₯Ό μš”μ²­ν•˜κ³ μžˆλ‹€. ν•œνŽΈ μ΄μŠ€λΌμ—˜μ€ λΌνŒŒμ§€κ΅¬λ₯Ό μΉ¨κ³΅ν•˜λ©° 민간인학살을 κ³„μ†ν•˜λŠ” λ™μ‹œμ— λ ˆλ°”λ…Όμ˜ ν—€μ¦ˆλ³ΌλΌμ™€μ˜ 확전을 μΆ”μ§„ν•˜κ³ μžˆλ‹€. λŒ€ν†΅λ Ήμž„κΈ°κ°€ λλ‚œ μ €λ ŒμŠ€ν‚€μ²˜λŸΌ μ§€μ§€μœ¨κΈ‰λ½κ³Ό ν‡΄μ§„μš”κ΅¬μ‹œμœ„, 내각μž₯κ΄€μ‚¬ν‡΄λ‘œ μ‚¬λ©΄μ΄ˆκ°€μ— λͺ°λ¦° λ„€νƒ€λƒν›„μ—κ²ŒλŠ” μ „μŸν™•λŒ€μ™Έμ— λ‹€λ₯Έ μΆœλ‘œκ°€ μ—†λ‹€.
μ„Έκ³„λŒ€μ „μ€ μ„Έκ³„μ λ²”μœ„μ—μ„œμ˜ μ§„μ˜κ°„μ˜ ν°μ „μŸμ΄λ‹€. 1μ°¨μ„Έκ³„λŒ€μ „μ€ μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜κ°„μ „μŸμ΄κ³  2μ°¨μ„Έκ³„λŒ€μ „μ€ λ°˜νŒŒμ‡Όμ „μŸμ΄κ³  3μ°¨μ„Έκ³„λŒ€μ „μ€ λ°˜μ œμ „μŸμ΄λ‹€. 1μ°¨μ„Έκ³„λŒ€μ „κ³Ό 달리 2μ°¨μ„Έκ³„λŒ€μ „κ³Ό 3μ°¨μ„Έκ³„λŒ€μ „μ€ λ°˜νŒŒμ‡Όμ™€ 반제의 기치λ₯Ό λ“  μ •μ˜μ˜ μ „μŸμ΄λ‹€. λ°˜μ œμ§„μ˜μ€ μ „μŸμ„ μ›μΉ˜μ•ŠλŠ”λ‹€. λ°˜μ œμ§„μ˜μ€ 평화λ₯Ό 지ν–₯ν•œλ‹€. μ „μŸμ„ μ›ν•˜κ³  μ „μŸμ„ λ„λ°œν•œ μ„Έλ ₯은 μ–Έμ œλ‚˜ μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜μ˜€λ‹€. μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜λŠ” 식민지λ₯Ό μœ μ§€ν•˜κ³  ν™•λŒ€ν•˜κΈ° μœ„ν•΄, 경제의 ꡰ사화와 μ „μŸνŠΉμˆ˜λ₯Ό ν†΅ν•œ λ…μ μ κ³ μœ¨μ΄μœ€μ„ μœ„ν•΄, μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜μ§„μ˜μ„ κ°•ν™”ν•˜κ³  λ°˜μ œμ§„μ˜μ„ λ¬΄λ„ˆλœ¨λ¦¬κΈ° μœ„ν•΄ μ „μŸμ„ κΈ°νšν•˜κ³  μœ λ„ν•˜λ©° λ„λ°œν•œλ‹€. 코리아전과 λ² νŠΈλ‚¨μ „, 이라크전은 μ„Έκ³„μ λ²”μœ„μ˜ μ§„μ˜κ°„μ˜ ν°μ „μŸμΈ μ„Έκ³„λŒ€μ „μ΄ μ•„λ‹ˆλΌ 1ꡭ가에 ν•œμ •λœ ꡭ지전이닀. μš°ν¬λΌμ΄λ‚˜μ „κ³Ό μ„œμ•„μ‹œμ•„μ „, 그리고 μž„λ°•ν•œ λ™μ•„μ‹œμ•„μ „μ€ λŸ¬μ‹œμ•„μ™€ μ΄λž€λ“±<μ €ν•­μ˜μΆ•>, 쑰선·쀑ꡭ이 λ°˜μ œμ§„μ˜μ„ 이루고 λ―Έκ΅­κ³Ό μœ λŸ½λ“±μ΄ μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜μ§„μ˜μ„ 이루며 λŒ€κ²°ν•˜λŠ” 3μ°¨μ„Έκ³„λŒ€μ „μ΄λ‹€. ν˜„μ •μ„ΈλŠ” 제ꡭ주의λ₯Ό λ°˜λŒ€ν•˜λŠ” ν•˜λ‚˜μ˜ μ „μŸ, λ°˜μ œμ „μŸμ΄ λ²Œμ–΄μ§€κ³ μžˆκ³  제ꡭ주의λ₯Ό λ°˜λŒ€ν•˜λŠ” ν•˜λ‚˜μ˜ μ „μ„ , λ°˜μ œμ „μ„ μ΄ ν˜•μ„±λ˜κ³ μžˆλ‹€. μ „μŸκ³Ό 전선은 ν•˜λ‚˜μ§€λ§Œ μ „μž₯은 μ—¬λŸΏμ΄λ‹€. 그쀑 λŒ€ν‘œμ μΈ μ „μž₯은 λ™μœ λŸ½, μ„œμ•„μ‹œμ•„, λ™μ•„μ‹œμ•„λ‘œ 3κ°œμ „μž₯이닀. μ„œμ•„μ‹œμ•„κ³³κ³³μ—μ„œ μ „νˆ¬κ°€ λ²Œμ–΄μ§€κ³ μžˆμ§€λ§Œ μ„œμ•„μ‹œμ•„λŠ” λ³Έμ§ˆμƒ <μ €ν•­μ˜μΆ•>이 λ²Œμ΄λŠ” μ΄μŠ€λΌμ—˜μ‹œμ˜€λ‹ˆμ¦˜κ³Ό 제ꡭ주의λ₯Ό λ°˜λŒ€ν•˜λŠ” ν•˜λ‚˜μ˜ μ „μž₯이닀.
μš°ν¬λΌμ΄λ‚˜μ „μ€ λ°˜μ œλ°˜νŒŒμ‡Όμ „, ν•΄λ°©μ „, μ˜ˆλ°©μ „μ΄κ³  μ„œμ•„μ‹œμ•„μ „μ€ λ°˜μ œλ°˜μ‹œμ˜¨μ „, 해방전이고 λŒ€λ§Œμ „μ€ λ°˜μ œμ „, ν•΄λ°©μ „, 쑰ꡭ톡일전이고 <ν•œκ΅­>전은 λ°˜νŒŒμ‡Όλ°˜μ œμ „, 평정전, 내전이닀. 3κ°œμ „μž₯μ—μ„œ λ²Œμ–΄μ§€λŠ” λͺ¨λ“  μ „μŸμ˜ ꡬ체적성격은 달라도 λ°˜μ œμ „μ΄λΌλŠ” 본질적인 곡톡점을 κ°€μ§€κ³ μžˆλ‹€. μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜μ— λŒ€ν•œ λ°˜λŒ€λŠ” μš°λ¦¬μ‹œλŒ€λ₯Ό μƒμ§•ν•˜λŠ” λŒ€ν‘œμ μΈ μ •μ˜μ˜ κΈ°μΉ˜λ‹€. μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜μ§„μ˜μ΄ 이λ₯Ό λΆ€μ •ν•œλ‹€κ³  해도, λ°˜νŒŒμ‡Ό, ν•΄λ°©, ν†΅μΌμ˜ μ •μ˜μ„±μ„ λΆ€μ •ν• μˆ˜λŠ” μ—†λ‹€. λ°˜μ œμ§„μ˜μ΄ λ²Œμ΄λŠ” μ „μŸμ€ μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜μ— λ°˜λŒ€ν•˜λŠ” μ •μ˜λΏ μ•„λ‹ˆλΌ λ°˜νŒŒμ‡Ό, ν•΄λ°©, ν†΅μΌμ˜ 기치λ₯Ό λ“  μ •μ˜μ˜ μ „μŸμ΄λ‹€. 3μ°¨μ„Έκ³„λŒ€μ „μ—μ„œ μ •μ˜μ˜ λͺ…뢄은 λ°˜μ œμ§„μ˜μ—κ²Œ μžˆλ‹€.
λ…μ μžλ³Έμ€ κ΅­λ‚΄μ ν‘œν˜„μ΄κ³  μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜λŠ” κ΅­μ™Έμ ν‘œν˜„μ΄λ‹€. λ…μ μžλ³Έμ€ ν•˜μƒμ–‘κ·Ήν™”μ˜ λͺ¨μˆœμ„ μ’Œμš°μ–‘λ‹Ήμ²΄μ œλ‘œ κ°€λ¦¬μš°λ©°, μ‚¬λ―Όμ£Όμ˜μ˜ κ°œλŸ‰μ±…κ³Ό νŒŒμ‹œμ¦˜μ˜ 탄압책을 λ°°ν•©ν•΄ 민쀑을 μ§€λ°°ν•˜κ³ μžˆλ‹€. 2μ°¨μ„Έκ³„λŒ€μ „μ§μ „ 미ꡭ·영ꡭ의 μ‚¬λ―Όμ£Όμ˜λ‚˜ λ…μΌΒ·μ΄νƒˆλ¦¬μ•„μ˜ νŒŒμ‹œμ¦˜μ€ λͺ¨λ‘ λ…μ μžλ³Έμ˜ μ •μΉ˜μ§€λ°°λ°©μ‹μ˜ 차이일뿐 μžλ³Έμ£Όμ˜μ— 뿌리λ₯Ό λ’€λ‹€λŠ”λ°μ—μ„œλŠ” λ³Έμ§ˆμƒ κ°™λ‹€. λ…μ μžλ³Έμ€ λ°œμ „λœμžλ³Έμ£Όμ˜κ΅­κ°€μ—μ„œ λ•Œλ‘œ μ‚¬λ―Όμ£Όμ˜λ‘œ, λ•Œλ‘œ νŒŒμ‹œμ¦˜μœΌλ‘œ 지배방식을 λ°”κΏ” μ •μΉ˜μœ„κΈ°λ₯Ό κ·Ήλ³΅ν•˜κ³  경제적λͺ©μ μ„ κ΄€μ² ν•œλ‹€. ν•œνŽΈ 1960λ…„λŒ€μ΄ν›„ 3μ„Έκ³„μ—κ²Œ λ‚˜νƒ€λ‚¬λ˜ νŒŒμ‹œμ¦˜μ€ μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜λ‘œλΆ€ν„° 심어진것이닀. κ΅­λ‚΄μžλ³Έμ˜ μ£Όλ₯˜λ„ μ™Έκ΅­λ…μ μžλ³Έμ΄ μ•„λ‹ˆλ©΄ 맀판자본이고 κ΅°μ‚¬νŒŒμ‹œμŠ€νŠΈλ“€λ„ λŒ€λΆ€λΆ„ μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜κ°€ ν›ˆλ ¨μ‹œν‚¨ κΌ­λ‘κ°μ‹œλ“€μ΄λ‹€.
μš°λ¦¬λŠ” 였늘 이 μΉœμ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜κΌ­λ‘κ°μ‹œλ₯Ό μš°ν¬λΌμ΄λ‚˜μ™€ μ΄μŠ€λΌμ—˜, <ν•œκ΅­>κ³Ό λŒ€λ§Œμ—μ„œ λͺ©κ²©ν•˜κ³ μžˆλ‹€. μ €λ ŒμŠ€ν‚€μ™€ 넀타냐후, μœ€μ„μ—΄μ€ λͺ¨λ‘ μ² μ €ν•œ μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜κΌ­λ‘κ°μ‹œλ©° νŒŒμ‹œμŠ€νŠΈλ‹€. 라이칭더도 μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜κΌ­λ‘κ°μ‹œμž„μ—λŠ” 틀림이 μ—†λ‹€. μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜λŠ” λ‹€μ–‘ν•œ λ°©μ‹μœΌλ‘œ 이듀을 μ‘°μ’…ν•˜λŠ”λ°, μ •μΉ˜κ²½μ œμ μœ„κΈ°κ°€ μ‹¬ν™”λ μˆ˜λ‘ μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜μ— λ”μš± μ˜μ‘΄ν•˜λ©° μ „μŸμ΄λΌλŠ” 극단적선택을 ν•˜λ„λ‘ μœ λ„ν•˜λŠ”κ²ƒμ€ μƒμš©μˆ˜λ²•μ€‘ ν•˜λ‚˜λ‹€. λ™μ•„μ‹œμ•„λ§Œ 봐도 λŒ€μ€‘ν¬μœ„λ§μΈ 이λ₯Έλ°” <1도련선>의 일본, λŒ€λ§Œμ˜ μ •λΆ€λ“€κ³Ό 쑰선을 μœ„ν˜‘ν•˜λŠ” <ν•œκ΅­>μ •λΆ€κ°€ λͺ¨λ‘ 이런 상황에 λ†“μ—¬μžˆλ‹€. λŒ€λ§Œμ˜ λΌμ΄μΉ­λ”λŠ” κ·Ήλ ¬ν•œ λΆ„λ¦¬λ…λ¦½μ£Όμ˜μžλ©° <ν•œκ΅­>의 μœ€μ„μ—΄μ€ 쑰선을 <주적>으둜 μ„ ν¬ν•˜κ³  <μ„ μ œνƒ€κ²©>을 μ£Όμž₯ν•˜λ©° λ―Έκ΅­κ³Ό 연일 λΆμΉ¨ν•΅μ „μŸμ—°μŠ΅μ„ λ²Œμ΄κ³ μžˆλ‹€.
일본은 λŒ€ν‘œμ μΈ μΉœλŸ¬μ •μΉ˜μΈ μ•„λ² κ°€ 2022.7 의문의 총격살해λ₯Ό λ‹Ήν•œν›„ μ·¨μž„ν•œ κΈ°μ‹œλ‹€κ°€ 미ꡭ이 μ‹œν‚€λŠ”λŒ€λ‘œ <ν•œκ΅­>κ³Ό ν•¨κ»˜ <μ•„μ‹œμ•„νŒλ‚˜ν† >λ₯Ό κ²°μ„±ν•˜λŠ”λ° ν˜ˆμ•ˆμ΄ λΌμžˆλ‹€. 일본의 κΈ°μ‹œλ‹€μ™€ <ν•œκ΅­>의 μœ€μ„μ—΄μ€ 2022.6 슀페인 λ§ˆλ“œλ¦¬λ“œ, 2023.7 λ¦¬νˆ¬μ•„λ‹ˆμ•„ λΉŒλ‰΄μŠ€μ— 이어 2024.7 λ―Έκ΅­ μ›Œμ‹±ν„΄μ˜ λ‚˜ν† μ •μƒνšŒλ‹΄μ— μ—°μ†μœΌλ‘œ μ°Έκ°€ν•˜λ©° <λ‚˜ν† μ˜μΈλ„νƒœν‰μ–‘ν™”>λ₯Ό μ™„μ„±ν•˜λŠ”λ° 적극 λ‚˜μ„œκ³ μžˆλ‹€. 3μ°¨μ„Έκ³„λŒ€μ „μ„ μΆ”λ™ν•˜λŠ” λŒ€ν‘œμ μΈ μ „μŸλ™λ§ΉμΈ λ‚˜ν† κ°€ μ„œμ•„μ‹œμ•„λ₯Ό λ„˜μ–΄ λ™μ•„μ‹œμ•„κΉŒμ§€ κ·Έ μ „μŸμ˜ 마수λ₯Ό λ»—μΉ˜κ³ μžˆλ‹€λŠ”κ²ƒμ€ μ•„μ‹œμ•„μΈμ„ λ„˜μ–΄ 평화λ₯Ό μ—Όμ›ν•˜λŠ” μ „μ„Έκ³„μΈμ˜ κ°€μž₯ 큰 우렀λ₯Ό λΆˆλŸ¬μΌμœΌν‚€κ³ μžˆλ‹€. 이미 μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜λŠ” <였컀슀>, <μΏΌλ“œ>등을 거치며 λΆλŒ€μ„œμ–‘κ΅°μ‚¬λ™λ§ΉμΈ λ‚˜ν† λ₯Ό μΈλ„νƒœν‰μ–‘μœΌλ‘œκΉŒμ§€ ν™•μž₯μ‹œν‚€λŠ” μ „λž΅μ„ μ£Όλ„λ©΄λ°€ν•˜κ²Œ μˆ˜ν–‰ν•˜κ³ μžˆλ‹€.
μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜λŠ” λ―ΈλŒ€μ„ μ—μ„œ νŠΈλŸΌν”„μ˜ 당선을 μš°λ €ν•˜κ³ μžˆλ‹€. νŠΈλŸΌν”„κ°€ λ‹Ήμ„ λ˜λ©΄ μ¦‰μ‹œ μš°ν¬λΌμ΄λ‚˜μ „μ—μ„œ 손을 λ–Όκ³  μž₯μ°¨ λ‚˜ν† μ—μ„œλ„ νƒˆν‡΄ν•  κ°€λŠ₯성이 λ†’κΈ°λ•Œλ¬Έμ΄λ‹€. νŠΈλŸΌν”„λŠ” μ‘°μ„ μ˜ κΉ€μ •μ€κ΅­λ¬΄μœ„μ›μž₯κ³Ό 2018 싱가포λ₯΄, 2019 λ² νŠΈλ‚¨ ν•˜λ…Έμ΄μ—μ„œ νšŒλ‹΄ν•˜κ³  2020 코리아 νŒλ¬Έμ μ—μ„œ νšŒλ™ν•œλ°” 있으며 ν‡΄μž„μ΄ν›„μ—λ„ μ§€μ†μ μœΌλ‘œ μ—°λ½ν•˜κ³ μžˆλ‹€. 또 νŠΈλŸΌν”„λŠ” λŒ€λ§Œμ˜ 뢄리독립을 μΆ”μ§„ν•œμ μ΄ μ—†λ‹€.(μ‚­μ œ) νŠΈλŸΌν”„μ˜ <λ””μ»€ν”Œλ§>정책은 κ²½μ œλΆ„μ•Όμ— ν•œμ •λœκ²ƒμ΄λ‹€. 반면 λ°”μ΄λ“ μ˜ <λ””λ¦¬μŠ€ν‚Ή>정책은 <μ‹ μ›Œμ‹±ν„΄μ»¨μ„Όμ„œμŠ€>라고 포μž₯ν•˜λ©° <λ””μ»€ν”Œλ§>정책보닀 μˆœν™”λœλ“― λ³΄μ΄λ‚˜ 싀상은 λŒ€λ§Œμ˜ 뢄리독립을 κ°•ν–‰ν•˜λ©° μ–‘μ•ˆκ΄€κ³„λ₯Ό μ „μŸμœΌλ‘œ λͺ°μ•„κ°€λŠ”κ²ƒμ„ μœ„μž₯ν•˜λŠ”κ²ƒμ— λΆˆκ³Όν•˜λ‹€. μš°λ¦¬λŠ” 미ꡭ의 λ…μ μžλ³Έμ˜ 이해λ₯Ό λŒ€λ³€ν•˜λŠ” μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜μ •μ±…μ΄ νŠΈλŸΌν”„μ‹μœΌλ‘œ λ‚˜μ˜€λ“  λ°”μ΄λ“ μ‹μœΌλ‘œ λ‚˜μ˜€λ“  λ‹Ήμ—°νžˆ λͺ¨λ‘ μ² μ €νžˆ λ°˜λŒ€ν•œλ‹€. λ‹€λ§Œ λ―Έκ΅­λ‚΄ μ •μΉ˜κ²½μ œμœ„κΈ°λ‘œ μΈν•œ λ‚΄λΆ€λͺ¨μˆœμ΄ μ‹¬ν™”λ˜λ©° ν„°μ Έλ‚˜μ˜€λŠ” μ •μΉ˜κ°ˆλ“±μ— μ£Όλͺ©ν•˜λ©° 이λ₯Ό μ¦ν­μ‹œν‚€κ³ μžˆλŠ” λ°˜μ „ν‰ν™”μš΄λ™μ˜ μ€‘μš”μ„±μ„ κ²°μ½” κ°„κ³Όν•˜μ§€μ•ŠλŠ”λ‹€. μš°λ¦¬λŠ” λ‹Ήμ—°νžˆ μœ λŒ€μΈμΌλ°˜μ„ μ¦μ˜€ν•˜λŠ” μΈμ’…μ£Όμ˜, νŒŒμ‹œμ¦˜μ„ λ°˜λŒ€ν•˜λ©° νŒ”λ ˆμŠ€νƒ€μΈλ¬Έμ œμ˜ 근본적해결이 μ‹œμ˜€λ‹ˆμ¦˜μ˜ κ·Όμ ˆμ— μžˆλ‹€λŠ”λ°μ— λ™μ˜ν•œλ‹€. μ‹€μ²œμ μœΌλ‘œ νŒŒμ‚°λœ <λ˜λ‹€λ₯Έλ―ΌμŠ€ν¬ν˜‘μ •>인 <μ˜€μŠ¬λ‘œν˜‘μ •>의 <2ꡭ가해법>이 μ•„λ‹ˆλΌ μ‹œμ˜€λ‹ˆμ¦˜μ˜ κ·Όμ ˆμ— κΈ°μ΄ˆν•œ 평화적곡쑴을 μ§€μ§€ν•œλ‹€. μ—­μ‚¬μ μœΌλ‘œ μœ λŒ€μΈμ„ λ°•ν•΄ν•œκ²ƒμ€ κΈ°λ…κ΅μ˜ μ„œμœ λŸ½μ΄μ§€ 이슬람ꡐ의 μ„œμ•„μ‹œμ•„κ°€ μ•„λ‹ˆλ‹€.

μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜κ°€ <신냉전>을 νšμ±…ν•˜λŠ”κ²ƒμ€ κ°•λŒ€μ„±μ΄ μ•„λ‹ˆλΌ μ·¨μ•½μ„±μ˜ λ°˜μ˜μ΄λ‹€. 1κ·Ήμ„Έκ³„μ§€λ°°μ²΄μ œλ₯Ό μœ μ§€ν• μˆ˜ μ—†λ‹€λŠ” ν˜„μ‹€μ νŒλ‹¨μ—μ„œ λ‹Ήλ©΄ν•œ μ •μΉ˜Β·κ΅°μ‚¬Β·κ²½μ œμ μœ„κΈ°λ₯Ό λͺ¨λ©΄ν•˜κΈ° μœ„ν•œ 극단적선택이 3μ°¨μ„Έκ³„λŒ€μ „μ΄λ‹€. λ‹€λ§Œ μ΄λŠ” λ―Έμƒμ›κ΅°μ‚¬μœ„μ›νšŒκ³΅ν™”λ‹Ήκ°„μ‚¬ μœ„μ»€κ°€ 5월말 슀슀둜 ν­λ‘œν–ˆλ“―μ΄ λŸ¬μ‹œμ•„μ™€ μ΄λž€, 그리고 쀑ꡭ과 쑰선을 <μ‹ μΉ¨λž΅μžμ˜μΆ•>으둜 κ·œμ •ν•˜κΈ° μœ„ν•œ μ˜λ„λœ λ„λ°œμ΄λ‹€. μ „μŸμ΄ 진행쀑인 λŸ¬μ‹œμ•„μ™€ μ΄λž€λ“±<μ €ν•­μ˜μΆ•>κ³Ό μ „μŸμ΄ μ—†λŠ” 쀑ꡭ, 쑰선을 ν•˜λ‚˜μ˜ <μΆ•>, μ§„μ˜μœΌλ‘œ λ¬Άμ—ˆλ‹€λŠ”λ°μ„œ λ™μ•„μ‹œμ•„μ „μ΄ μž„λ°•ν–ˆλ‹€λŠ” 사싀과 ν•¨κ»˜ 3μ°¨μ„Έκ³„λŒ€μ „μ˜ 원흉이 λˆ„κ΅¬μΈμ§€κ°€ μ λ‚˜λΌν•˜κ²Œ ν™•μΈλœλ‹€. μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜λŠ” 특히 λŸ¬μ‹œμ•„μ™€ 쀑ꡭ, 쑰선을 3μ°¨μ„Έκ³„λŒ€μ „μ„ 톡해 <침랡자>둜 μ•…λ§ˆν™”ν•˜κ³  λŒ€λ¦¬μ „μ„ 톡해 μ΅œλŒ€ν•œ μ†Œλͺ¨μ‹œν‚¨ν›„ <신냉전>체제λ₯Ό λ§Œλ“€μ–΄ κ²°κ΅­ <냉전>λ•Œμ²˜λŸΌ μ΅œν›„μŠΉλ¦¬λ₯Ό ν•΄λ³΄κ² λ‹€λŠ” μ±…λž΅μ„ 이제 더이상 μˆ¨κΈ°μ§€μ•Šκ³ μžˆλ‹€.
<냉전>κ³Ό <신냉전>은 많이 λ‹€λ₯΄λ‹€. <냉전>κ³Ό <신냉전>은 λͺ¨λ‘ 제ꡭ주의의 μ •μΉ˜κ²½μ œμ μœ„κΈ°, 취약성을 λ°˜μ˜ν•˜κ³ μžˆλ‹€λŠ” 곡톡점이 μžˆμœΌλ‚˜, 2μ°¨μ„Έκ³„λŒ€μ „μ΄ν›„μ— μΆœν˜„ν•œ <냉전>κ³Ό 달리 <신냉전>은 3μ°¨μ„Έκ³„λŒ€μ „κ³Ό ν•¨κ»˜ 이미 μ‹œμž‘λμœΌλ©° 3μ°¨μ„Έκ³„λŒ€μ „μ΄ν›„ 본격화될것이닀. <냉전>κ³Ό <신냉전>은 λͺ¨λ‘ λ°˜μ œμ§„μ˜κ³Ό μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜μ§„μ˜μ˜ λŒ€κ²°μ „μΈλ° <냉전>μ‹œκΈ° λ°˜μ œμ§„μ˜μ€ μ‚¬νšŒμ£Όμ˜μ„Έλ ₯이 μ£Όλ„μ—­λŸ‰μ΄κ³  λ―Όμ‘±ν•΄λ°©μ„Έλ ₯이 λ³΄μ‘°μ—­λŸ‰μΈλ° λΉ„ν•΄ <신냉전>μ‹œκΈ° λ°˜μ œμ§„μ˜μ€ μ‘°μ„ , 쀑ꡭ, λŸ¬μ‹œμ•„κ°€ μ£Όλ„μ—­λŸ‰μ΄κ³  μ΄λž€λ“±<μ €ν•­μ˜μΆ•>을 λΉ„λ‘―ν•œ κΈ°νƒ€μ„Έκ³„λ°˜μ œμ„Έλ ₯이 λ³΄μ‘°μ—­λŸ‰μ΄λ‹€.
μ‘°μ„ , 쀑ꡭ, λŸ¬μ‹œμ•„λŠ” λͺ¨λ“  ν•΅κ³Ό μš΄λ°˜μˆ˜λ‹¨μ„ κ°€μ§€κ³ μžˆλŠ” ν•΅λ―Έμ‚¬μΌμ΅œκ°•κ΅­μ΄λ©° 쑰선은 κ°€μž₯ μ² μ €ν•œ μ‚¬νšŒμ£Όμ˜κ΅­κ°€, 쀑ꡭ은 μ€‘κ΅­νŠΉμƒ‰μ˜ μ‚¬νšŒμ£Όμ˜κ΅­κ°€, λŸ¬μ‹œμ•„λŠ” μ‚¬νšŒμ£Όμ˜μœ μ‚°κ΅­κ°€λ‹€. ν˜„μ‚¬νšŒμ£Όμ˜κ΅­κ°€λ“€μΈ μ‘°μ„ , 쀑ꡭ과 μ „μ‚¬νšŒμ£Όμ˜κ΅­κ°€μΈ λŸ¬μ‹œμ•„λŠ” 같은 λ°˜μ œμ§„μ˜μ—μ„œ κ·Έ μ–΄λŠλ•Œλ³΄λ‹€λ„ ꡳ게 λ‹¨κ²°ν•˜κ³ μžˆλ‹€. 푸틴이 졜근 λŒ€ν†΅λ Ήμ— μž¬μ„ λœν›„ 맨먼저 쀑ꡭ을 λ°©λ¬Έν•œ 일과 6μ›” 쑰선을 λ°©λ¬Έν•΄ <ν¬κ΄„μ μ „λž΅λ™λ°˜μžμ‘°μ•½>을 μ²΄κ²°ν•˜λ©° μ‘°λŸ¬κ΄€κ³„λ₯Ό μ΅œμƒμœΌλ‘œ, λ™λ§Ήμˆ˜μ€€μœΌλ‘œ κ²©μƒμ‹œν‚¨κ²ƒμ€ κ²°μ½” μš°μ—°μ΄ μ•„λ‹ˆλ‹€.
λŸ¬μ‹œμ•„μ™€ μ€‘κ΅­μ˜ μ‚¬νšŒμ„±κ²©μ„ μ–΄λ–»κ²Œ λ³΄λŠ”κ°€λŠ” μ˜€λŠ˜λ‚  혁λͺ…κ³Ό 기회주의λ₯Ό κ°€λ₯΄λŠ” μ‹œκΈˆμ„μ΄λ‹€. λŸ¬μ‹œμ•„μ™€ 쀑ꡭ을 제ꡭ주의둜 λ³΄λŠ” κ²¬ν•΄λŠ” μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜μ— λŒ€ν•œ 비과학적이해에 κΈ°μ΄ˆν•œ μ™„μ „ν•œ 였λ₯˜λ‹€. 제ꡭ주의λ₯Ό κ²½μ œμΈ‘λ©΄μ—μ„œλ§Œ κ·Έλ³Έμ§ˆμ„ κ·œμ •ν•˜λŠ”κ²ƒ λͺ»μ§€μ•Šκ²Œ κ²½μ œμΈ‘λ©΄μ—μ„œμ‘°μ°¨λ„ 본질적으둜, μ „λ©΄μ μœΌλ‘œ 보지λͺ»ν•˜λŠ”것은 λ¬Έμ œλ‹€. 심지어 λͺ¨λ“  μžλ³Έμ£Όμ˜κ΅­κ°€λ₯Ό μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜κ΅­κ°€λ‘œ λ³΄λŠ” κ·Έλ¦¬μŠ€κ³΅μ‚°λ‹Ήμ˜ <μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜ν”ΌλΌλ―Έλ“œ>λ‘ κΉŒμ§€ λ“±μž₯ν–ˆλŠ”λ°, μ΄λŠ” κ°€μž₯ ν™©λ‹Ήν•œ μˆ˜μ •μ£Όμ˜, 기회주의<이둠>μœΌλ‘œμ„œ μ‹€μ²œμ μœΌλ‘œ 제ꡭ주의의 κ³΅λ™μ£Όμ˜μš΄λ™λΆ„μ—΄μ •μ±…μ— κΈ°μ—¬ν•˜λŠ” λ°˜λ™μ΄λ‘ μ΄λ‹€. κ·Έλ¦¬μŠ€κ³΅μ‚°λ‹Ήμ΄ κ΅­μ œκ³΅λ™μ£Όμ˜μš΄λ™μ„ λΆ„μ—΄μ‹œν‚€λŠ”λ° μ•žμž₯μ„œλŠ”κ²ƒμ΄ λ†€λžμ§€μ•Šμ€ μ΄μœ λ‹€.
<신냉전>μ‹œκΈ° 특히 3μ°¨μ„Έκ³„λŒ€μ „μ •μ„Έμ˜ κ°€μž₯ 큰 νŠΉμ§•μ€ 첫째, κ°€μž₯ μ² μ €ν•œ μ‚¬νšŒμ£Όμ˜κ΅­κ°€μ΄λ©΄μ„œλ„ 제ꡭ주의의 κ°€μž₯ μ² μ €ν•œ 봉쇄정책을 λ‹Ήν•œ 쑰선이 ν•΅λ―Έμ‚¬μΌμ΅œκ°•κ΅­μ΄ 돼 λ°˜μ œμ§„μ˜μ—μ„œ ν•΅μ‹¬μ μ§€μœ„λ₯Ό μ°¨μ§€ν•˜κ³  μ€‘μš”ν•œ 역할을 μˆ˜ν–‰ν•˜κ³ μžˆλ‹€λŠ”κ²ƒμ΄λ‹€. 그것은 λ‘˜μ§Έ, 1950λ…„λŒ€ μ€‘λ°˜μ΄ν›„ λ‚΄λ‚΄ λŒ€λ¦½ν–ˆλ˜ κ΅¬μ†Œλ ¨Β·ν˜„λŸ¬μ‹œμ•„κ°€ 쀑ꡭ과 λ°˜μ œμ§„μ˜μ•ˆμ—μ„œ ꡳ게 λ‹¨κ²°ν•˜κ³ μžˆλ‹€λŠ”κ²ƒμ΄λ‹€. 그것은 μ…‹μ§Έ, μ΄λž€λ“±<μ €ν•­μ˜μΆ•>이 λ°˜μ œλ°˜μ‹œμ˜€λ‹ˆμ¦˜μ „μ„ μ—μ„œ κ°•κ³ ν•œ 무μž₯νˆ¬μŸμ„ μ „κ°œν•˜κ³ μžˆλ‹€λŠ”κ²ƒμ΄λ‹€. 이외에도 μ„Έκ³„λ°˜μ œμ§„μ˜μ€ λΌν‹΄μ•„λ©”λ¦¬μΉ΄μ—μ„œμ™€ μ•„ν”„λ¦¬μΉ΄μ‚¬ν—¬μ§€μ—­μ—μ„œ 반제무μž₯νˆ¬μŸλ°λŒ€μ€‘νˆ¬μŸμ˜ μˆ˜μœ„λ₯Ό 갈수둝 λ†’μ—¬λ‚˜κ°€κ³ μžˆλ‹€. λ°˜μ œμ§„μ˜μ€ 이렇듯 κ°•λ ₯ν•œ μ£Όλ„μ—­λŸ‰κ³Ό κ΄‘λ²”μœ„ν•œ λ³΄μ‘°μ—­λŸ‰μ˜ κ²°ν•©μ΄λΌλŠ” μ—­λŸ‰μƒμš°μœ„μ™€ 반제무μž₯투쟁과 λ°˜μ œλŒ€μ€‘νˆ¬μŸμ˜ κ²°ν•©μ΄λΌλŠ” λ°©λ²•μƒν˜„λͺ…ν•¨μœΌλ‘œ μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜μ§„μ˜μ„ μ••λ„ν•˜κ³ μžˆλ‹€.
여기에 반제의 기치만이 μ•„λ‹ˆλΌ ν˜„μ‹œλŒ€ λˆ„κ΅¬λ„ λΆ€μΈν• μˆ˜ μ—†λŠ” λ°˜νŒŒμ‡Ό, ν•΄λ°©, ν†΅μΌμ΄λΌλŠ” μ •μ˜μ˜ 기치λ₯Ό λ“€κ³  νˆ¬μŸν•˜λ©° μ „μŸλͺ…뢄을 μ™„μ „νžˆ ν‹€μ–΄μ₯κ³ μžˆλ‹€. μ„€μƒκ°€μƒμœΌλ‘œ μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜λŠ” λ°˜λŸ¬μ‹œμ•„ν”„λ‘œνŒŒκ°„λ‹€μ™€ μΉœμ΄μŠ€λΌμ—˜ν”„λ‘œνŒŒκ°„λ‹€μƒμ˜ 논리적λͺ¨μˆœμœΌλ‘œ κ·Έλ‚˜λ§ˆ κ°€μ§€κ³ μžˆλ˜ μ•ŒλŸ‰ν•œ ν˜•μ‹λ…Όλ¦¬λ§ˆμ €λ„ μžƒμ–΄λ²„λ Έλ‹€.
제ꡭ주의의 μ–΄λ¦¬μ„μŒμ€ μž‘μ „μ—μ„œλ„ μ—¬μ‹€νžˆ λ“œλŸ¬λ‚˜κ³ μžˆλ‹€. μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜λŠ” 3μ°¨μ„Έκ³„λŒ€μ „μ—μ„œ μ „μŸμ„ λ„λ°œν•˜λŠ” μœ λ„μ „, 적ꡭ κ°€κΉŒμ΄κΉŒμ§€ 멀리 κ°€μ„œ μ‹Έμš°λŠ” 원정전, 주ꡬ듀을 μ•žμ„Έμš°λŠ” λŒ€λ¦¬μ „, μ „μˆ ν•΅μ„ λ°°μ œν•œ ν•˜μ΄λΈŒλ¦¬λ“œμ „μ„ κ΅¬μ‚¬ν•˜κ³ μžˆλ‹€. λ°˜μ œμ§„μ˜μ˜ λŸ¬μ‹œμ•„, 쀑ꡭ, 쑰선은 μ „μŸλ„λ°œμ— μ΅œλŒ€ν•œ λ§λ €λ“€μ§€μ•ŠμœΌλ©΄μ„œ λ³Έν†  κ°€κΉŒμ΄μ„œ, 직접, μ‚¬ν™œμ μœΌλ‘œ μ „μŸμ— μž„ν•˜λ©° λ•Œμ— 따라 μ „μŸμ„ λΉ λ₯΄κ²Œ μ’…κ²°μ‹œν‚¬ μ „μˆ ν•΅μ‚¬μš©μ„ λ°°μ œν•˜μ§€μ•Šκ³ μžˆλ‹€. μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜μ„Έλ ₯은 μ „μˆ ν•΅μœΌλ‘œ λŸ¬μ‹œμ•„, 쀑ꡭ, μ‘°μ„ μ˜ μ˜ν† λ₯Ό κ³΅κ²©ν• λ•Œμ˜ λ³΄λ³΅ν•΅κ³΅κ²©μœΌλ‘œ κ²°κ΅­ μƒν˜Έν™•μ¦νŒŒκ΄΄(MAD)κ°€ μΌμ–΄λ‚˜λŠ”κ²ƒμ„ κ°€μž₯ λ‘λ €μ›Œν•˜κ³ μžˆλ‹€. λ°˜νŒŒμ‡Ό, ν•΄λ°©, ν†΅μΌμ˜ λŒ€μ˜μ•„λž˜ 직접 μ‚¬ν™œμ μœΌλ‘œ μž„ν•˜λŠ” λŸ¬μ‹œμ•„, 쀑ꡭ, 쑰선에 λΉ„ν•΄ λ…μ μžλ³Έμ˜ μ΄ˆκ³Όμ΄μœ€μ„ μœ„ν•΄ λŒ€λ¦¬μ „, μ†Œλͺ¨μ „을 λ²Œμ΄λŠ” λ―Έκ΅­κ³Ό μœ λŸ½λ‚˜ν† κ΅­μ˜ λŒ€κ²°μ „μ˜ μ΅œν›„μŠΉμžκ°€ λˆ„κ΅¬μΈκ°€λŠ” λΆˆλ¬Έκ°€μ§€λ‹€. 2μ°¨μ„Έκ³„λŒ€μ „μ—μ„œλ„ μ •μ˜μ˜ μ§„μ˜μ€ λ°˜νŒŒμ‡Όμ§„μ˜μ΄ μŠΉλ¦¬ν–ˆλ“―μ΄ 3μ°¨μ„Έκ³„λŒ€μ „μ—μ„œλ„ μ •μ˜μ˜ μ§„μ˜μΈ λ°˜μ œμ§„μ˜μ΄ μŠΉλ¦¬ν• κ²ƒμ΄λ‹€. μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜λŠ” <냉전>κ³Ό 달리 <신냉전>μ—μ„œ λΉ„μ°Έν•œ 패배λ₯Ό 면치λͺ»ν• κ²ƒμ΄λ‹€.

μ„Έκ³„λ°˜μ œν”Œλž«ν¬μ˜΄μ€ 2022.10 ν”„λž‘μŠ€ νŒŒλ¦¬μ—μ„œ μ„Έκ³„λ°˜μ œλŒ€μ€‘νˆ¬μŸν™•λŒ€, λ°˜κΈ°νšŒμ£Όμ˜μ‚¬μƒμ „μ „κ°œ, κ³΅λ™μ£Όμ˜μš΄λ™κ°•ν™”μ˜ 3λŒ€λͺ©ν‘œλ₯Ό λ‚΄κ±Έκ³  μΆœλ²”ν•œ 이래, 2022.12 μ„Έλ₯΄λΉ„μ•„ λ² μ˜€κ·ΈλΌλ“œ, 2023.3 λ² λ„€μˆ˜μ—˜λΌ 카라카슀, 2023.5 <ν•œκ΅­> κ΄‘μ£ΌΒ·μ„œμšΈ, 2023.11 그리슀 μ•„ν…Œλ„€μ—μ„œ 반제의 기치λ₯Ό λ“€κ³  ꡭ제컨퍼런슀λ₯Ό κ°œμ΅œν•˜κ³  곡동선언을 λ°œν‘œν•˜λ©° λŒ€μ€‘μ μΈ μ§‘νšŒμ™€ μ‹œμœ„λ₯Ό 벌이며 λ°˜μ œμ„Έλ ₯을 ν•˜λ‚˜λ‘œ κ²°μ§‘μ‹œν‚€κΈ° μœ„ν•΄ λΆ„νˆ¬ν–ˆλ‹€. 2024 3~4μ›” μ„Έκ³„λ°˜μ œν”Œλž«ν¬μ˜΄μ΄ <ν•œκ΅­>의 λ³€ν˜μ κ°€κ·Ήλ‹¨κ³Ό ν•¨κ»˜ μœ λŸ½μˆœνšŒκ³΅μ—°νˆ¬μŸμ„ μ „κ°œν•˜κ³  2024.5 μ„Έκ³„λ°˜μ œν”Œλž«ν¬μ˜΄λŒ€ν‘œλ‹¨μ΄ λŸ¬μ‹œμ•„ λˆλ°”μŠ€μ§€μ—­μ„ λ°©λ¬Έν•˜κ³  ν˜„μ§€ κ³΅λ™μ£Όμ˜μ„Έλ ₯Β·λ°˜μ œνˆ¬μŸμ„Έλ ₯κ³Ό 적극 μ—°λŒ€ν•˜λ©° 2024.6 슀페인 λ§ˆλ“œλ¦¬λ“œμ—μ„œ ꡭ제컨퍼런슀λ₯Ό κ°œμ΅œν•œκ²ƒλ„ λͺ¨λ‘ μ„Έκ³„λ°˜μ œνˆ¬μŸμ„ κ°•ν™”ν•˜κΈ° μœ„ν•΄μ„œλ‹€.
였늘 μ„Έκ³„λ°˜μ œνˆ¬μŸμ—μ„œ κ°€μž₯ μ€‘μš”ν•œ μ‚¬μƒμ΄λ‘ μ λ‹Ήλ©΄κ³Όμ œλŠ” κ²‰μœΌλ‘œλŠ” 제ꡭ주의λ₯Ό λ°˜λŒ€ν•œλ‹€κ³  ν•˜λ©΄μ„œλ„ μ‹€μ œλ‘œλŠ” μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜μ™€ λ˜‘κ°™μ€ λͺ©μ†Œλ¦¬λ₯Ό λ‚΄λ©° 반제투쟁의 μ΅œμ „μ„ μ— μ„œμžˆλŠ” λŸ¬μ‹œμ•„μ™€ μ΄λž€λ“±<μ €ν•­μ˜μΆ•>을 λ°˜λŒ€ν•˜κ³  λŸ¬μ‹œμ•„μ™€ 쀑ꡭ, 심지어 μ‘°μ„ κΉŒμ§€λ„ 제ꡭ주의둜 λͺ°κ³ μžˆλŠ” μ‚¬μ΄λΉ„κ³΅λ™μ£Όμ˜μ„Έλ ₯, μˆ˜μ •μ£Όμ˜Β·κΈ°νšŒμ£Όμ˜Β·μ’…νŒŒμ£Όμ˜μ„Έλ ₯κ³Ό λ§žμ„œ μ˜ˆλ¦¬ν•œ 사상전을 λ™μš”μ—†μ΄ λκΉŒμ§€ λ²Œμ΄λŠ”κ²ƒμ΄λ‹€. 그리고 μ„Έκ³„λ°˜μ œνˆ¬μŸμ—μ„œ κ°€μž₯ μ€‘μš”ν•œ μ‹€μ²œμ λ‹Ήλ©΄κ³Όμ œλŠ” κ³΅λ™μ£Όμ˜μ„Έλ ₯이 과학적뢄석과 λ³€ν˜μ λ…Έμ„ μœΌλ‘œ μΉœλŸ¬μ‹œμ•„μ„Έλ ₯κ³Ό μΉœνŒ”λ ˆμŠ€νƒ€μΈμ„Έλ ₯이 ν•˜λ‚˜μ˜ λ°˜μ œμ „μ„ μ„ ν˜•μ„±ν•˜λ„λ‘ ν˜„λͺ…ν•˜κ²Œ μ΄λŒμ–΄ λ°˜μ œμš΄λ™μ—­λŸ‰μ„ κ°•ν™”ν•˜λŠ”κ²ƒμ΄λ‹€.
μš°λ¦¬λŠ” <λ§Œκ΅­μ˜λ…Έλ™μžμ—¬λ‹¨κ²°ν•˜λΌ>와 <λ‹¨κ²°ν•œλ―Όμ€‘μ€κ²°μ½”νŒ¨λ°°ν•˜μ§€μ•ŠλŠ”λ‹€>λŠ” ꡬ호λ₯Ό μ™ΈμΉ˜λ©° μ„Έκ³„λ°˜μ œμ§„μ˜μ˜ μ΅œν›„μŠΉλ¦¬λ₯Ό ν–₯ν•΄ 뢈꡴의 νˆ¬μŸμ„ 계속해 λ‚˜μ•„κ°ˆκ²ƒμ΄κ³  κ·ΈκΈΈμ—μ„œ μ œκ΅­μ£Όμ˜μ™€ νŒŒμ‹œμ¦˜μ΄ μ—†λŠ” 세상, 민쀑이 μ •μΉ˜μ™€ 경제의 주인이 λ˜λŠ” 세상을 μ•žλ‹Ήκ²¨ μ‹€ν˜„ν• κ²ƒμ΄λ‹€. μ„Έκ³„λ°˜μ œμ§„μ˜μ˜ μ •μ˜μ˜ μœ„μ—…μ€ λ°˜λ“œμ‹œ μŠΉλ¦¬ν• κ²ƒμ΄λ‹€.