Leonard Nyangoma | Conseil National pour la Défense de la Démocratie au Burundi (CNDD)
Dear comrades, organizers of these historic days of international solidarity,
Dear guests,
Dear all, in your titles and capacities,
Before delving into the heart of the matter, allow me first, dear comrades, on behalf of our party, the National Council for the Defense of Democracy in Burundi (CNDD), to convey the warm greetings of all the members of the CNDD party and those of comrade Leonard Nyangoma, the historical leader of the CNDD. They all wholeheartedly salute and support this remarkable initiative of the DUP in organizing this historic event, the first Pan-African anti-imperialist conference on African soil, the cradle of humanity, more precisely here in Senegal, Dakar. I warmly greet all the delegations present here, particularly those from all corners of the world: Africa, South America, Asia, and Europe. Their presence here on African soil, the cradle of humanity, is a testament to their solidarity with African peoples. At this time of global domination by declining financial capitalism, how can we not rejoice at being together today in this great gathering?
Hope is allowed because we are witnessing special moments in history, the shift from a unipolar imperialist world to a multipolar world.
These moments of fellowship will also allow us to get to know each other better and, consequently, to strengthen the solidarity and brotherhood of our respective peoples through concrete actions. Thanks to the Senegalese people and their government for their fraternal welcome and for hosting this great conference.
Since time is limited, allow me to briefly present the general situation in my country, Burundi.
General Situation of Burundi
In a few words, Burundi has been descending into chaos since 2005, despite the last electoral masquerade in May 2020. Another mock election is scheduled for May 2025.
1. General Presentation of Burundi: Why this small country can be of interest to imperialist powers.
Burundi is a country located in Central Africa and East Africa. It is bordered by the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to the west, Rwanda to the north, and Tanzania to the east. Burundi is a member of the East African Community (EAC), the Economic Community of the Great Lakes Countries (CEPGL), and the Central African Economic and Monetary Community (CEMAC). Burundi covers an area of 27,834 square kilometers and has a population of approximately 13 million people. This small country occupies, like Rwanda, a geostrategically important position for imperialist powers, helping them control the mines and natural resources that abound in the Great Lakes, particularly in the DRC.
Burundi’s colonization began at the end of the 19th century by Germany. After World War I, Germany had to abandon its colonies, and Burundi, along with Rwanda, came under Belgium’s mandate. These colonial powers introduced the ethnic virus that had never existed in Burundi before colonization.
2. Colonial Powers Transform Social Classes into Ethnic Groups
Scientifically speaking, in both Burundi and neighboring Rwanda, there is only one ethnic group, the Rundi ethnicity. Before colonization, four social groups (Baganwa, Batutsi, Bahutu, and Batwa) were social classes. They spoke the same language, Kirundi, practiced the same religion, shared the same culture, and lived intermingled on the same hills without pronounced social divisions. The ethnic division that plunged Burundi into political crises, resulting in more than a million deaths since independence, has its roots in the colonial system. The colonial power favored the Tutsi social class and the ruling class of the Baganwa, completely excluding the Hutu and Twa from education, administration, and power. This was done under the classic imperialist logic of divide and rule. Western media analyses often present the tragedies of Burundi and Rwanda as massacres of one ethnic group by another, attributing the wars to ancestral hatreds rather than economic or geostrategic interests.
Controlling Burundi and Rwanda to maintain control over Congo’s strategic minerals is the true issue behind the civil wars that have ravaged and continue to ravage our Great Lakes region.
During the colonial period, Burundi progressively integrated into the capitalist mode of production.
3. Burundi’s Independence
Burundi has been independent since July 1, 1962. After the assassination of Prince Louis Rwagasore, a progressive man and independence hero, close to the great figures of African liberation such as Mwalimu Julius Nyerere of Tanzania and Patrice Lumumba of the DRC, in October 1961, Burundi experienced governments led by comprador elites who amassed wealth through corruption and the plundering of the country’s natural resources. The immaturity of the Burundian elites, coupled with the manipulation of socio-ethnic sensitivities by certain powers, created conditions that led to cyclical politico-ethnic massacres. A single-party system was established in this atmosphere of distrust within the population.
4. Burundi’s Return to Pluralist Democracy
In 1993, the first democratically elected president, Melchior Ndadaye of the FRODEBU party, was assassinated by the army, along with several of his collaborators, in a coup attempt that provoked popular resistance and public disapproval. The coup plotters seemed to abandon power, but the army’s rebellion, insecurity, and sabotage prevented FRODEBU, the election winner, from governing the country. In this context, comrade Leonard Nyangoma, in charge of popular education, propaganda, and mobilization for the party and minister in the Ndadaye government, created the National Council for the Defense of Democracy (CNDD) in 1994, along with other democratic forces. The CNDD had an armed wing, the Forces for the Defense of Democracy (FDD). Negotiations and the signing of ceasefire agreements, along with the 2000 Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement, helped reduce the gap between the main social groups, the Hutu and Tutsi, gradually transforming ethnic consciousness into social class consciousness.
5. The Rise to Power of the Fascist CNDD-FDD Party
We mentioned earlier that the CNDD was born out of the need to resist and organize the Burundian people against a 40-year-old dictatorial military regime. After the assassination of comrade President Melchior Ndadaye in October 1993, the regime, which was an obstacle to imperialists’ ambitions in the region, particularly the DRC, faced opposition. Our struggle for freedom and liberation of the Burundian people, as I was saying, has also incurred the wrath of the imperialists and their local henchmen throughout its existence, including when it became a political party, leading to the split of the CNDD the CNDD split, giving rise to the militaristic, fascist CNDD-FDD, which took power in 2005. It is imperialist goal of seizing the DRC’s natural resources that the imperialists and their local henchmen provoked this split in the CNDD Unfortunately, the rise to power of the militarist and fascist CNDD-FDD in 2005 did not allow the Burundian people to enjoy political and socio-economic reconciliation. The situation worsened in some areas, with the oligarchy in power controlling all political and economic authority to maintain the status quo of exploitation and underdevelopment for the majority of Burundians.
6. The Regime of President Nkurunziza from 2005 to 2020
The regime of Pierre Nkurunziza, who passed away in 2020, was marked by massive human rights violations, ongoing breaches of the law and constitution, despite repeated denunciations from the active democratic opposition and civil society. The climax was reached when Nkurunziza illegally and illegitimately granted himself a third term in 2015, sparking a popular uprising that cost the lives of thousands of Burundian citizens, particularly the youth. The sacrifices made by the Burundian people, especially the youth, go beyond defending the Arusha Peace Agreement and the constitution. The struggle is driven by the desire for change, to end unemployment, poverty, assassinations, corruption, embezzlement, and the arrogance of a minority of leaders.
Citizens have become slaves of a regime characterized by:
• Systematic, ongoing massacres of civilians
• Destruction of the state and its economy through corruption and the looting of its resources
• Maintenance of a climate of terror through repression of the opposition and civil society
• Arrests of citizens in violation of legal procedures
• Torture and extrajudicial executions
• Targeted killings by the police, particularly the National Intelligence Service
• The youth wing of the CNDD-FDD party, known as “Imbonerakure” (similar to Macky Sall’s thugs in Senegal or Duvalier’s Tonton Macoutes in Haiti), operates as a militia and a real terrorist organization supported by the ruling power to systematically eliminate opponents and human rights defenders
• Over 11,000 prisoners, including at least 4,000 political prisoners, often held without proper legal files. The country has essentially become an open-air prison
• More than 500,000 refugees in camps in Tanzania, Rwanda, Uganda, Kenya, the DRC, and Zambia, mostly political activists and members of civil society.
7. Socio-Economic Situation
Burundi is plagued by widespread and permanent corruption. According to reports, the rampant corruption, wild privatization of state enterprises, and the embezzlement of public funds have had disastrous consequences on the lives of the population. Sixty percent of the population suffers from famine, and youth unemployment is extremely high (80%). Burundi has consistently ranked among the five poorest countries in the world for over a decade. Both industrial and agricultural production have drastically declined. Everything in the country is about money: securing a political post, getting a job, ensuring justice, or participating in a peacekeeping mission, such as for soldiers in Somalia or elsewhere. The trafficking of young people to certain countries, particularly in West Asia, is rampant. The Burundian currency has lost more than 600% of its value since 2005, causing a staggering decline (over 1000%) in the purchasing power of workers, mainly peasants and civil servants. For instance, a kilo of beans―one of the most consumed foods―cost 400 BIF in 2005, but now exceeds 4000 BIF, while real wages have only decreased. All socio-economic indicators are in the red. Burundi has gone two years without fuel, driving up transportation costs and, consequently, the prices of essential goods. In 2022, the country ranked 187 out of 193 in terms of human development (HDI). Minerals are being illegally extracted and exported by the country’s elites without paying any taxes to the state. As we know, corruption is a hallmark of a state without rights, characterized by a high degree of immorality in public affairs and injustice because public resources belong to everyone.
Burundi’s strengths are immense.
Burundi has many strengths that enable it to hope for a better future and to consolidate its economic, social and independent sovereignty.
Sovereignty and independence. These include arable land, hydrography, nickel, uranium, gold and other minerals. uranium, gold, rare earth oxides and more. In short, the socio-economic situation in Burundi is characterized by a contraction between the largely peasant masses and the increasing concentration of capital in the hands of the ruling and comprador oligarchy,
8. Burundi’s Ongoing Descent into Hell
Despite the ascension of Major General Evariste Ndayishimiye to the presidency following the last electoral farce on May 20, 2020, Burundi continues its accelerated descent into hell, which began in 2005. This electoral charade, marked by violence and massive fraud, revealed the unpopularity of the CNDD-FDD regime nationwide. According to some independent sources, this fascist party received less than 20% of the vote. This comes as no surprise, as during his election campaign, General Ndayishimiye openly declared that he would remain faithful to the path laid out by his predecessor, the late Nkurunziza. In his gestures and actions, Ndayishimiye is even more zealous and provocative than Nkurunziza. For example, he appointed high-ranking officers, who are widely criticized by the public, to key institutions, all of them coming from the oligarchy built by his predecessor. Upon coming to power without a clear program, Ndayishimiye engages in empty rhetoric and makes demagogic promises, much like Nkurunziza. As a pastime, he continues his electoral campaign in Catholic churches every Sunday. Political spaces remain closed, and human rights violations, though slightly reduced, persist. During the first 100 days of Ndayishimiye’s regime, human rights organizations recorded more than 300 deaths, all of them killed by agents of the government defense and security forces or by the Imbonerakure militias of the ruling party.
9. Conclusion
Faced with such a grave situation, not all Burundians are resigned. Both within political parties, especially the CNDD, and civil society organizations, public opinion is calling for an end to political repression, mismanagement, and corruption. In response to ongoing insecurity, killings, extrajudicial executions, arbitrary arrests, continued illegal detentions, and corruption, the CNDD cannot remain a passive spectator. The party continues its fight for the restoration of democracy and sovereignty: a political system that is not limited to democratic elections but also respects human rights, the values of dignity, justice, and patriotism, a form of governance where the people are the central concern of the leaders. The CNDD and other parties continue to urge the current government in Gitega to come to the table to discuss ways to find a lasting solution to the catastrophic situation. In response, the government has attempted to revive past ethnic antagonisms, which is a very concerning issue when we remember the ethnic conflicts that caused the massive loss of life in our country’s not-so-distant past. As before, it is our duty as Burundians to find solutions to our problems. This requires the progressive and patriotic opposition to build a balance of power to win the upcoming electoral deadlines: the legislative and local elections of 2025 and the presidential elections of 2027. It also requires concrete solidarity from progressive and Pan-African forces with the Burundian people through political and concrete actions. Indeed, no one will win the Pan-African and anti-imperialist struggle alone; it will require the unity of struggles, the convergence of efforts, and the federation of battles both within each country and on a continental and international scale. In concrete terms, here are the CNDD party’s proposals.
Before getting to the heart of our fight against imperialism, we would like to make two observations:
• The first observation is to remain vigilant with regard to a certain number of African leaders or intellectuals who to infiltrate the fashionable pan-African movement, declare themselves to be pan-Africanists. We are referring, for example, the so-called congresses organized by dictatorial regimes such as Togo.
• The second observation is that many states run by progressive or sovereignist parties tend to regard all states in “conflict” with their imperialist masters as progressive. All it takes is for a dictator to get into trouble with his bosses and start spouting nationalist, pan-Africanist and sovereignist verbiage, progressive left-wing governments will support him, to the detriment of that country’s anti-imperialist organizations and parties―the example of Gaddafi’s Libya speaks for itself. When Libya was destroyed and its leader Muammar Gaddafi atrociously executed by the imperialists, almost all African leaders were conspicuously silent. You’ll remember Mobutu’s famous speech at the United Nations in the 70s memorable anti-imperialist speech. The current obscurantist regime in Burundi, threatened by the ICC for crimes actually committed against its people, had to withdraw Burundi from the ICC, and is tolerated and supported by progressive or sovereignist governments. It proclaims itself to be pan-African, and some media give it the microphone against progressive organizations. There needs to be a little more vigilance on this point.
10. Proposals for Reviving the Offensive of Progressive and Anti-Imperialist Forces
10.1. Proposals for People’s Solidarity in the Anti-Imperialist Struggle
1. First, provide political support to the rising Pan-African movement, especially among African youth, which primarily expresses itself in a large progressive forum known as the Pan-African Unitary Dynamics (DUP). Only a united, progressive Africa will free African peoples from submission and neocolonialism. It will not only save Africa but the entire world, as a united socialist Africa could better contribute to global peace and progress, as Kwame Nkrumah once said. Today, global peace requires African unity to eliminate elements that create conditions for war in Africa.
2. Raise public consciousness. Each progressive Pan-African party should design a training program for its members, with specific focuses on workers, peasants, youth, and women. Share this program with others for enrichment. Give prominence to Pan-Africanism and internationalism. DUP has already initiated the political and ideological training of its members.
3. Mentally decolonize minds by emphasizing popular education, especially of the youth, to raise national, Pan-African, and international consciousness.
4. Federate anti-imperialist struggles within each country, region, and globally through national, regional, and international people’s congresses. These congresses would include delegates from political parties, youth, women, unions, associations, and NGOs.
5. Mobilize the masses against the imperialist powers’ foreign military bases.
6. Encourage the creation of left-wing intellectual forums to reflect on and propose solutions for current political and socio-economic issues, so as not to leave the field open to reactionary ideas that flood the media every day.
10.2 Structuring Anti-Imperialist Proposals
1. Assess the state of anti-imperialist regimes and unite their efforts around this cause.
2. Establish regional coordination structures on a continental or subcontinental scale for this global anti-imperialist movement.
3. Plan the holding of regional congresses of political and civil leftist organizations.
4. Develop a plan of political and concrete support for brotherly political parties and organizations in their quest for power. This requires compiling a list and conducting an annual assessment of their struggles and progress.
5. Establish a war school to train anti-imperialist and internationalist military personnel with both scientific and ideological education.
6. Create an international university dedicated to training in geostrategy and geopolitics. This institution would train influencers on social media and high-level strategists.
7. Create progressive media outlets: websites, radio, television channels with themes such as peace and security, green industrialization, non-capitalist medicine, and internationalist ethics, among others.
8. Create a solidarity fund with regulations on its feeding, management, and usage.
