Approaches of the Ruling Class in the War Against Russia

Communist Organization (Germany)

This year has been marked by an accelerated pace of imperialist military attacks against their opponents: the year began with attacks on Iran and Venezuela. At the same time, at least since Russia’s military operation in Ukraine, we have also witnessed increasingly confident resistance against imperialism’s cowardly attacks. Most recently, the Iranian people have made a profound impression by standing up with full commitment to defend the Islamic Republic—contrary to Western propaganda: Consider, for example, the human chains around the power plants.

Unfortunately, this anti-imperialist resistance does not receive unconditional solidarity from the western anti-imperialist movement. On the contrary, it shows once again how deeply liberal and colonialist patterns of thought are rooted in the worldview of especially the Western left, even within anti-imperialist circles. They do not want bombs, yet they do want the overthrow of the Islamic and Bolivarian republics. With this de facto withdrawal of solidarity, they ultimately contribute to justifying the attacks and divide consistent resistance against the war policy—resistance that is urgently needed.

In addition, we are witnessing how right-wing forces are exploiting the weaknesses of the left-wing movement to demagogically disguise themselves as forces for peace. It is our task to expose them. We repeatedly observe how these forces are underestimated or credited with a potentially useful role in weakening NATO. In our assessment, these positions are very dangerous. Even though we do not yet have a complete analysis of their role, we wish to present, using the example of current developments in Germany and the AfD, some aspects and theses that should be included in the discussion. The AfD, short for “Alternative for Germany,” is the most popular right-wing party in Germany, currently leading in the polls.

Germany―Vassal of the US or Hegemon?

The war in Ukraine laid bare both the contradictory and the common interests of German and US imperialism. Often within the movement, there is either an overemphasis (Germany’s third attempt at world power) or an underemphasis (Germany as a vassal of the US) on the strength of German imperialism. The “either/or” dichotomy is misguided here and should be replaced by a “both/and.” For the situation of German imperialism stems from the contradiction of pursuing independent interests while simultaneously being subordinate to US imperialism.

Germany’s interest lies in asserting its hegemony over Russia, continuing the EU’s eastward expansion unimpeded, assuming a leading role as a NATO pillar against Russia, and using the war as a catalyst for its own military buildup. At the same time, the nature of the warfare is largely determined by US imperialism, which pursues, among other things, the goal of disciplining and economically weakening German imperialism.

Despite their inter-imperialist contradictions, however, the US and Germany are fundamentally on the same side in the war against Russia. This was most clearly evident in the conflicts surrounding the Nord Stream 2 pipeline. Parts of German capital did not want to give up the profitable energy exports from Russia so easily, but the US ultimately prevailed by blowing up the pipelines without much outcry. Central to Germany is its dominant position within the EU; German imperialism thus benefits massively from the euro and cheap labour in Eastern Europe. Conflicts also exist regarding this sphere of influence, but a break of Germany with NATO is not possible in the foreseeable future. The military and economic dependence is too great.

Most recently, the war in Iran also demonstrated this bond: while other EU countries at least formally objected to the use of US bases located in their territories for the Iran War, the US Air Base Ramstein in Germany remains a central hub for US wars. For example, it hosts relay stations for satellite communications that enabled the US to carry out much more precise attacks than if the data had come from the US itself. Nevertheless, the Iran war also showed the contradictions again, deepening the energy crisis in Germany.

At the same time, Germany is striving to build greater military power, with historical war loans in recent years, the first steps toward reintroducing compulsory military service, and most recently the new military strategy, which aims to make the German Bundeswehr the strongest conventional army in Europe by 2035. This includes the plan to increase the size of the German Bundeswehr from 180,000 to 460,000 men, including the military reserve. The strategy paper also makes it clear once again where the main offensive is directed: against Russia.

The AfD as a “Force for Peace”?

Eastern Europe is one of, if not the central, sphere of influence for German imperialism. The quest to subjugate Russia stems from this and represents a historical continuity of German imperialism. There is no doubt that this is the case, though views among the ruling class might differ somewhat on the tactics. Thus, the AfD sometimes masquerades as a critic of the current war policy against Russia.

In this regard, four points must be noted:

1. Just like other German parties, it speaks of Russia’s “war of aggression in violation of international law,” condemns the Iranian government by calling it the “mullah regime,” and, for example, stands firmly on the side of Israel.

2. Its apparent opposition to sanctions and arms deliveries in the Ukraine war is merely a critique of the efficiency of the measures and the timing: according to its analysis, Germany still needs cheap raw material imports to further strengthen its military capabilities and to secure Germany’s hegemonic position in the long term. To this end, it seeks alliances with compradors in Russia who advocate a course against China, for Europe, for capitalism, and thus for the sale of resources to Germany. These are forces rooted in the anti-communist tradition.

3. This is not a long-term path to peace; on the contrary, it is the preparation for greater war-fighting capability.

4. In the words of the AfD, Germany should no longer be a “slave to the US.” What may appear to be a turning away from the US is merely the push for greater investment in German rearmament and a focus on leadership in Europe—not a break with NATO. With this course, the AfD is welcomed by the ruling circles in the US: Elon Musk speaks positively of them and receives coverage in the German press as a result. The AfD praises the US National Security Strategy, which calls for transatlantic right-wing alliances.

5. The AfD was deliberately and systematically built up by other established parties to channel all dissent into avenues that pose no threat to capital. That is why the ruling circles very deliberately label it as a fundamental opposition party and associate it with Russia or China.

Militarisation and Social Cuts

The increasingly aggressive war course must also be viewed from its domestic political perspective: in Germany as in the US, right-wing to openly fascist forces are increasingly being courted, and social cuts are being pushed forward on a massive scale.

Forces like the AfD and Trump connect influential circles of capital with classic fascist forces. Although the AfD is not yet in power in Germany, it plays an important role in shaping the prevailing political discourse—whether it be the increasingly racist and chauvinistic rhetoric or measures to further worsen the precarious situation of migrants and implement general social cuts. Step by step, the limits of public tolerance are being tested, and the AfD plays a decisive role in this. For example, it describes German fascism as “a flyspeck in history.”

While in recent years so-called “democratic” forces have accustomed the population to war, these now seem increasingly insufficient to cope with the scale of NATO’s military aggression. While a few years ago we had to expose acts of military aggression carried out under the guise of human rights, today colonialism and fascism are being openly rehabilitated.

Marco Rubio’s speech at the Munich Security Conference points in this direction: he not only portrays colonial history in a positive light and describes 1945 as a negative turning point due to anti-colonialism and communism, but also clearly calls for re-colonisation. It also shows how openly such positions are advocated within the German government even without the AfD in power: Rubio received standing ovations from the German foreign and defence ministers.

The right-wing forces that speak of national interests—by which they mean cuts to social services and military buildup—do not represent a break with the interests of German monopoly capital, but rather advocate a different way of integrating the working class and an even more aggressive pursuit of capital’s interests.

The German government’s recently published military strategy predicts that “adherence to recognised ethical and legal principles” can no longer be relied upon in a potential war against Russia, for which the German Bundeswehr is to become Europe’s strongest conventional army by 2035.

It is relatively obvious that the policies necessary for this will likely only be possible in the long run with the AfD. That is why it is all the more important to expose their demagoguery and better understand the role of the newly forming transatlantic right. The AfD and Trump are political representatives of an even more overtly war-mongering course of imperialism. They promote the division of the working class, reactionary agitation against migrants and other countries, and attempt to draw the working class to the side of the ruling class through peace demagoguery. We must work on a better understanding of their role in order to expose their positions and to unite the working class behind truly progressive positions.